Ukraine, Russia, Europe, the US, Oh My!

Ukraine asks to join NATO membership action plan

2008-01-16T00:21:00.001-05:00

KIEV,
Jan. 15 (Xinhua) -- Ukrainian leaders have signed a statement asking to join the NATO membership action plan at the forthcoming NATO summit in Bucharest, visiting U.S. senator Richard Lugar said here Tuesday.

"Ukrainian President Viktor Yushchenko, Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko and Parliamentary Chairman Arseniy Yatsenyuk have signed the statement calling for consideration on Ukraine's entry into the NATO membership action plan at the Bucharest summit," Lugar said.

"The president (Viktor Yushchenko) told me about the news this morning," he added.

Lugar pointed out that the Ukrainian leader's move would stir up discussions in society on the issue of Ukraine's entry into the NATO, which may soon result in holding a referendum on this problem.

"Yushchenko asked U.S. president and other NATO members for supporting Ukraine's efforts on joining the NATO membership action plan at the Bucharest summit," Lugar said.

Do they think the world is stupid!?!

2007-08-27T16:27:00.000-04:00

I have not posted in God knows how long but this made me sick:
EuroNewsEuroNews : Chechen-led group arrested for Russian journalist's murder

Enough Said

2006-08-05T10:14:00.000-04:00

From Maidan:

Приходьте до Верховної Ради України у вівторок, 11.07.06 на 9.30

2006-07-10T14:00:00.000-04:00

As per maidan.org:

ТРЕБА ВСТАТИ І ВИЙТИ!

Громадянине! Українцю!

Півтора роки тому ми вийшли на Майдан, на сотні Майданів по всій Україні, вимагаючи правди, свободи і справедливості. Тоді ми думали, що перемогли: перемогли кучмізм, перемогли фальсифікаторів, перемогли бандитів.

Але залишилася незмінною злочинна Система, побудована на брехні, корупції, беззаконні, використанні влади заради грошей, а не заради інтересів людей. Система, що перемелює слабких людей, що потрапляють в її лещата, на негідників, Система, що приводить до влади нечесних, безпринципних, а часом просто злочинців та зрадників. Система, що пригнічує гідність людини, нехтує права і свободи. Система, яка ставить перед нами вибір – або ми зруйнуємо її, або вона закреслить наше майбутнє, майбутнє наших дітей, майбутнє України.

Якщо ти, незалежно від віку, професії, мови, етнічного походження, тощо хочеш бути вільним громадянином вільної правової держави, а не безголосим підданим олігархічного паханату, якщо ти хочеш жити в Європі, а не на сірому постсовєцькому просторі – вічній сфері чужих інтересів, якщо ти вважаєш порушення закону злочином, непрозорі підкилимні домовленості політиків – брехнею, то ми з тобою однієї крови!

Натхненні немічністю та пасивністю теперішнього керівництва, ті самі сили, котрих ми перемогли у 2004, сьогодні планують продовжити “дєрібан” України. Ми маємо їх зупинити. Ми скажемо їм, що ми про них думаємо і чого ми вимагаємо від тих, хто нашою волею прийшов до влади внаслідок Помаранчевої революції.

МИ ВИМАГАЄМО:

- Невідкладного формування дієздатного складу Конституційного Суду України – у термін не пізніше кінця липня 2006 року. Невиконання цієї вимоги Верховною Радою у будь-якій конфігурації ми розцінюватимемо як узурпацію влади.

- Негайного формування “Нашою Україною” та Блоком Юлії Тимошенко єдиного блоку - жорсткої опозиції до регіонально-комуно-соціалістичної влади – на засадах спільних підходів до ключових питань державної політики та очищення від колаборантів, задля перемоги на чергових чи позачергових парламентських виборах.

- Об’єднання у широкому громадянсько-політичному русі всіх українських демократичних сил, створення центрального та регіональних штабів за участи громадян, що не зрадили ідеали Майдану – для системної протидії комунобандитському реваншу.

- Виконання Президентом України Віктором Ющенком своїх функцій гаранта Конституції щодо унеможливлення формування виконавчої гілки влади нелегітимним шляхом.

- Розпуску Верховної Ради України у разі, коли новий уряд не буде сформовано вчасно та у суворій відповідності з Конституцією України та регламентом Верховної Ради.

Ми нікому не дозволимо порушувати наші права, свободи і інтереси. Ми нікому не дозволимо порушувати закон. Ми нікому не дозволимо торгувати Україною!
Всі, для кого Вільна Україна – святі слова; хто має за справу честі боротьбу за правду, свободу, справедливість, власну гідність – приходьте до Верховної Ради України у вівторок, 11.07.06 на 9.30.

Ми не “помаранчеві”. Наші кольори – синій і жовтий. Пов’яжи на ознаку громадянської солідарності синьо-жовту стрічку.

НАС БАГАТО – НАС НЕ ПОДОЛАТИ!
СЛАВА УКРАЇНІ!

Альянс "Майдан"

------------
Увага! Тут відповіді на питання "Що Робити!" в умовах політичної кризи в Україні.

Крок 1. Розповсюдьте скрізь, де тільки можете, ці заклики на мітинг на вівторок:

ТРЕБА ВСТАТИ І ВИЙТИ! (укр)
http://maidanua.org/static/viol/1152476229.html

НАДО ВСТАТЬ И ВЫЙТИ! (рос)
http://maidanua.org/static/viol/1152476180.html

Кияни! Приходьте на 9:30 до Верховоної Ради всі!

Крок 2. Розповсюдьте текст цього звернення
http://maidanua.org/static/mai/1152491637.html
серед знайомих політиків, депутатів, журналістів.
Вихід є! І хай про це знають всі!

What on earth are the Nashi thinking???

2006-02-14T20:25:00.000-05:00

It seems that someone in the Nasha Ukraina election team has a perverse sense of humor. How else to explain the following headline on their site: "Regions introduce 'Proffesorial style' of thinking" paired with a picture of Proffesor 2 - Roman Zvarych. Clearly the campaign must believe that the voters will slap their thighs with appreciative laughter, "Things can't be that bad if the Nashi can laugh at themselves..."

For that matter, this perverse sense of humor can be seen all over Kyiv in their billboards: "Do Not Betray the Maidan!" Check out Petro Rodiak's election 2006 billboard collection and see for yourself. The reaction elicited by these ads is understandably bemused, to say the least. After all, some Kyivites say, who stood in that freezing weather for all that time? Who is the betrayer and who is the betrayed? One is left to wonder if these billboards are the best way to get Yuschenko's message across to the electorate.

Yanukovych, on the other hand, has a well thought out campaign. He is certainly playing on the post revolution disillusionment. In fact, his tv ads exacerbate that disillusionment. Clips of people speaking about how difficult life has become.

Fade to black: How much more must we endure? is titled on screen.

Next comes blinding light and the light is of course Yanukovych. And the titles state: Your life will improve TODAY!.

The Nashi tv ads? They attempt to somehow play on the emotions of the Maidan. The ads feel tired.

And show nothing new. They talk about how you the voter wanted change. Couldn't take the corruption anymore. Came out on the Maidan.

And then, when they show Poroshenko, you can't help but cringe.

Is all of this deliberate on someone's part inside Nasha or are they just dumb?

Heroes of Kruty Street

2006-01-29T13:56:00.001-05:00

The Maidan kids took it upon themselves to rename Moskovsky St to Heroes of Kruty St. in honor of the the young students who, without support, defended the city of Kyiv from the Russian onslaught in 1918. The Maidanivtsi, as they call themselves, pasted the following over Moscowski St. signs on buildings:

Вулиці повинні носити імена тих, хто захищав
Український народ, а не тих, хто його знищував!

~~вул.Московська~~

ВУЛ. ГЕРОЇВ
КРУТ

(Streets should be named in honor of those who defended the nation, not for those who tried to destroy it!

~~Moskovski St.~~
Heroes of Kruty St.)
[trans.-window]

Good for them! Even if the street was historically named Moskovski because it led out from the city to Moscow, there is no reason for it to continue to carry the name.

Now if they could do something about the abomination, the Lenin statue, on the corner of Khreshchatyk and Blvd. Shevchenko...

Don't like orange? Too bad!

2006-01-11T13:00:00.000-05:00

At his meeting with Putin today, Yuschenko appears to be wearing an orange tie. It may, in fact, not be orange. Yesterday's tie was 'in your face,' 'so, you wanna make something of it' orange. There was no mistaking the color. Today's tie, I'm not so sure. Perhaps it is salmon, a delicate blend of rose and orange. Or another such fashionable color. In any case, if it's not orange, it is certainly close enough to suggest the idea of orange.

Now the idea of orange certainly brings to mind the revolution, suggests standing up to Russia and pokes Putin in the eye. It's always fun to do that, that is, poke Putin in the eye. And with what's been going on these last few days, it helps Yuschenko to appear to be the one doing the poking. Makes him look strong, leaderlike and like the true defender of Ukraine's national interests. No doubt, Yuschenko's handlers believe so.

Another Fine Mess - Ukrainian Gov't Sacked - Legal Chaos?

2006-01-10T09:41:00.000-05:00

The Verkhovna Rada, Ukraine's Parliament sacked Yekhanurov's government but now there's no way to appoint a new one...

According to Serhiy Holovatyi, Ukraine's Justice Minister, the constitutional reform deal that came into effect on January 1, set the stage for politicians pushing "the country into legal chaos."

Legal advisor to Yuschenko, Mykola Polud'oney explained to Ukrainiinska Pravda that the problem arises because the provisions allowing the VR to fire the gov't have come into effect but a mechanism which provide for the appointment of a new one has not yet been approved.

Meanwhile, the Guardian is reporting that Yekhanurov told reporters that the sacking was nonbinding. Further, he said that his government would continue working until at least March when a newly elected parliament will appoint a new cabinet.

As for the President's reaction, Yuschenko's travelling again and he's in Astana, Kazakhstan. He stated that Parliament acted unconstitutionally and illegally and therefore, he may have no recourse but to disband the Verkhovna Rada. Additionally, according to the Presidential press service, Yuschenko will take the VR's vote before Ukraine's Constitutional Court. In their release, they quote Yuschenko as stating that the government is not an 'acting gov't' but rather it is an actual gov't, and that legally nothing has changed: «Хочу підкреслити, вони не виконуватимуть обов’язки, а працюватимуть як прем’єр-міністр і як міністри Кабінету Міністрів». «Ні політично, ні у правовому полі ситуація в Україні не змінилася»

My, what fun awaits us all! Lawsuits, electioneering, campaigning, fist pounding...

Христос Рождається — Славімо Його!

2006-01-07T14:50:00.000-05:00

Вінчую Вам нині усі добрі люди
Нехай Божа поміч завжди з Вами буде.
Нехай тої днини, кожної години,
Бог благословить, біда хай загине.

Маленький Ісусик не спить, не дрімає,
Своїми рученятами весь світ обіймає.
І вашу хатину, і вашу родину,
І всю Україну – Христос ся рождає!

* * *

Blessings to you on this day good people
Let the God's help always with you be.
On this day, every hour
Let God bless, let misfortune perish.

Baby Jesus sleeps not, dreams not,
With his little hands, he embraces the world.
And your home, and your family,
And all of Ukraine - Christ is born!

Agreement Between Naftohaz and Gazprom (English)

2006-01-06T11:57:00.000-05:00

Text published by Ukrainska Pravda, 5 January 2006
http://www2.pravda.com.ua/news/2006/1/5/37345.htm

[Translated into English by Olga Bogatyrenko for UKL]

Agreement Regulating Relations in the Gas Sphere
Moscow, 4 January 2006

The open joint stock company (OAO) "Gazprom" (Russian Federation), subsequently referred to as Gazprom, represented by Management Chairman A. B. Miller acting by the Statute, on the one Side,

The National joint stock company "Naftohaz of Ukraine (Ukraine), subsequently referred to as Naftogaz of Ukraine, represented by Management Chairman O. G. Ivchenko, acting by the Statute, on the other Side,

And the Company "RosUkrEnergo" (Switzerland), subsequently referred to as RosUkrEnergo, represented by Executive Directors O. A. Pal'chikov and K. A. Chuichenko, acting by the Constitutive Agreement,

Referred all together as the Parties,

Seeking to reach a mutually beneficial agreement on the regulation of relations in the gas sphere, have worked out the present Agreement, agreeing on the following:

1. The Parties agree that the price of transit of natural gas, which belongs to Gazprom (Ltd. Gazexport) and RosUkrEnergo, across the territory of Ukraine and the Russian Federation is to be set at US $1.60 per 1000 cubic meters per each 100 km of transit until 01.01.2011.
2. The Parties appoint RosUkrEnergo as the supplier of natural gas to Ukraine. Starting from 1 January 2006, Gazprom does not supply Russian natural gas to Ukraine and Naftohaz of Ukraine does not export natural gas that arrives from the Russian Federation.
3. Naftohaz of Ukraine and RosUkrEnergo are to found a joint venture on the basis of cash deposits and other assets as soon as possible and not later than 1 February 2006 in order to provide Russian natural gas for consumption at Ukraine's domestic market.
4. The Parties are to work out necessary agreements/contracts (and are to assure working out of necessary agreements/contracts) creating, starting from 1 January 2006, the commodity balance of gas of company RosUkrEnergo to cover the following volumes:
Purchases:

- 41 billion cubic meters of Turkmen gas that is to be purchased from Ltd. Gazexport and Naftogaz of Ukraine, which is at their disposal.
- Up to 7 billion cubic meters of Uzbek gas that is to be purchased from Ltd. Gazexport in order to, specifically, swap existing gas deliveries in the South Caucasus.
- Up to 8 billion cubic meters of Kazakh gas that is to be purchased from Ltd. Gazexport in order to, specifically, swap existing gas deliveries in the South Caucasus.
- Up to 17 billion cubic meters of Russian gas that is to be purchased from OAO Gazprom at the price determined by the formula based on the base price of gas (Ro= US $230 per 1000 cubic meters).

On sales:
- In 2006, 34 billion cubic meters of gas to be sold at the price of US $95 per 1000 cubic meters of gas, which is valid for the first six months of 2006 to the joint venture created in accordance with point 3 of the present Agreement (until the joint venture is created, until 1 February 2006 to be sold to Naftogaz) for the subsequent sale for consumption in Ukraine's domestic market without re-export rights.
- Starting from 2007, up to 58 billion cubic meters of gas to be sold to the joint venture created in accordance with point 3 of the present Agreement for subsequent sale for consumption in Ukraine's domestic market without re-export rights.
- 15 billion cubic meters of gas to be forwarded for export for joint programs with Gazprom.

5. The rate of pay for transit and the price of natural gas determined by the present Agreement can be changed only by mutual agreement of the Parties.

Addresses of the Parties

OAO Gazprom: 16, Nametkin Str, Moscow, Russia, 117997
NJSC Naftohaz of Ukraine: 6, Bogdan Khmelnitsky St., Kyiv, 01001
Company RosUkrEnergo A": 7 Bahnhoffstrasse, Zug, Switzerland

Signed by:
A. B. Miller on behalf of OAO Gazprom
A. G. Ivchenko on behalf of NJSC Naftohaz of Ukraine
O. A. Pal'chikov, K. A. Chuichenko on behalf of Company RosUkrEnergo AG

Murky Gas Deal - Murky Gas Company

2006-01-04T10:16:00.000-05:00

So, they struck a deal... No more barter, that is cash is paid, both for gas and for transit. The previous deal was gas for transit. RosUkrEnergo is not only the middleman but the exclusive supplier of gas to Ukraine.

Ivchenko via Abdymok.net :

we shall be buying gas of different origins, both russian and central asian, from the rosukrenergo company. the price of gas will be 95 us dollars per 1,000 cu.m. at the russian-ukrainian border. i want to add that the price of gas and
the transit rate are not linked because we shall be paying money for gas and gazprom will be paying us money for the transit of russian gas to europe. the transit rate has been raised from 1.09 to 1.6 dollars per 1,000 cu.m. of gas per 100 km.

About former SBU head Turchynov beginning an investigation of RosUkrEnergo from a Kyiv Post article reprinted on Kiev Ukraine News Blog via Neeka's Backlog:

The State Security Service (SBU) has launched probes into alleged violations by gas trading firms that allegedly siphoned more than a billion dollars from state coffers when they worked as intermediaries handling Turkmen gas supplies to Ukraine.

SBU chief Oleksandr Turchinov told the Post on June 17 that an investigation has been launched into the activities of Swiss-registered RosUkrenergo and intermediaries that handled Turkmen gas supplies to Ukraine in previous years.

Like its predecessors, RosUkrEnergo acts as an intermediary in transiting gas from Turkmenistan across Russia and other former Soviet states to the Ukrainian border. Its shareholder structure remains a bit cloudy.Company officials have said that affiliates of Russian gas giant Gazprom and Austria’s Raiffeisen Investment AG own parity 50/50 stakes in the venture.Turchinov told the Post that Raiffeisen Investment AG, according to his information, acts as a nominal shareholder representing private interests of individuals whom he declined to name for fear of revealing inner workings of the investigation.

Turchinov said RosUkrEnergo, a company which has an annual turnover of more than a billion dollars, could not have been created without the approval of the most influential people in Russia and Ukraine. Severe infringements were discovered in the company’s dealings, he said, adding that such schemes involve siphoning of funds which should have flowed into the state budget, rather than having been diverted into private hands.

A RosUkrEnergo top manager revealed to the Post in an interview last week that Raiffeisen Investment’s role in RosUkrEnergo was bound to contractual arrangements with Ukrainian clients, which he could not identify...

To round it all out the deal story in a nutshell from Dow Jones:

GAZPROM: RUSSIA, UKRAINE REACH GAS DEAL FOR 2006
Greg Walters,
Dow Jones Newswires
Moscow, Russia,
Wednesday, January 4, 2006

MOSCOW -- Russia and Ukraine Wednesday announced a 2006 gas deal aimed at breaking a stalemate that had choked off supplies to Ukraine and other European countries over the last several days.Under the agreement, state gas monopoly OAO Gazprom(GSPBEX.RS) will sell gas to its 50%-owned trading company RosUkrEnergo at $230 per 1,000 cubic meters. The trading company, which will also buy Central Asian gas at a much lower price, will then sell gas to Ukraine at $95 per 1,000 cubic meters, less than half the price Russia has recently demanded.The parties also agreed that Russia will now pay cash for the transit of gas across Ukraine. Previously, Russia paid in gas.

The price for transporting gas through Ukraine to Europe rose under the deal to $1.60 for 1,000 cubic meters traveling through 100 kilometers of pipeline, from $1.09.Under the deal, reached at 2:30 a.m. Wednesday morning between the heads of Gazprom and Ukrainian gas distributor Naftogaz, gas exports from Turkmenistan will be purchased by RosUkrEnergo and re-sold to Ukraine, a person familiar with the situation told Dow Jones Newswires. The person didn't say how much Turkmenistan gas will be sold to RosUkrEnergo or at what price.Gazprom had previously contracted 30 billion cubic meters of gas from Turkmenistan at a price of $65 per 1,000 cubic meters.

Ukraine also agreed to pay cash for Russian gas in the future. Previously it took gas in trade for transport. A Gazprom spokesman said the five-year contract foresees prices fluctuating according to world prices. Under the deal, "RosUkrEnergo, is the exclusive gas exporter to Ukraine" said, Gazprom spokesmen Sergei Kupriyanov.Russia Sunday triggered a gas supply crisis in Europe when it cut off exports to Ukraine after its neighbor rejected a price hike to $230 per 1,000 cubic meters, more than four times what it had been paying.
More than 80% of Russia's gas supply to Europe travels across Ukraine. Shortly after Russia cut off Ukraine's supplies, France, Italy and a number of other European countries reported a sharp fall off in gas deliveries from Russia. Russia Tuesday increased supplies to make up for the shortfall.The deal appears to be a complex face-saving agreement that still allows Gazprom to keep the $230 price it has insisted upon, while allowing Ukraine to pay less than half that amount.

Now it's time to figure out who's going be making the big bucks.

Russia Acts Illegally OR What Else is New?!?

2006-01-03T23:07:00.000-05:00

Former economic advisor to Putin, Andrey Illarionov, who resigned on December 27 because of 'differences of opinion on economic policy,' in an interview aired on Jan. 02 on Ekho Moskvy and quoted by BBC Monitoring Services said Gazprom had no right to cut off gas supplies to Ukraine on 1 January because an earlier agreement with importer Naftohaz Ukrayiny made it impossible for Gazprom to force a price rise to 230 dollars per 1,000 cubic metres.

Illariovov:

"Today's prices, 50 dollars per 1,000 cu. m., were set by a supplementary agreement to a contract between Gazprom and Naftohaz [Ukrayiny] which was signed on 8 August 2004. The contract, according to the text of the supplementary agreement, is to be in effect for five years, up to 2009. The supplementary agreement states that the price of 50 dollars per 1,000 cu. m. is fixed. For those who don't fully understand the meaning of the Russian word fixed, it says two lines further down that these prices are not changeable."

Ukraine is willing to negotiate increased rates but is not willing to submit to political and economic blackmail. And as Spiegel put it:

The current mood in Ukraine could likely be best described with the slogan: "We would rather freeze than give in."

Ukraine MFA: Russia's "Irresponsible and destabilizing actions"

2006-01-02T11:11:00.000-05:00

Reacting to Russia's illegal cut-off of gas supplies to the EU and Ukraine, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine released a statement charging Russia with "violating its contractual obligations... to Ukraine and EU member-states"

The statement in Ukrainian can be found here.

Below is an unofficial translation:

January 1, 2006
STATEMENT OF THE MFA OF UKRAINE ON COOPERATION IN GAS SPHERE

On the first day of 2006, the Russian Side, violating its contractual obligations started to decrease the volume of gas supply to Ukraine and EU member-states.

In such a way, a scenario was launched, with the aim to exert economic pressure, blackmail, and, ultimately, destabilize the Ukrainian economy and disrupt Russia's gas supplies to consumers in EU countries.

Aforementioned irresponsible and destabilizing actions are put into practice in spite of current international obligations of the Russian Side, undertaken in compliance with the Agreement of October 4, 2001, as well as in spite of compromise proposals, put forward on December 30, 2005 by the President of Ukraine in his letter to the President of the Russian Federation, and notwithstanding cautions concerning the peril of such steps for the atmosphere in relations between Ukraine and Russia, and their perception by the Ukrainian society.

The Russian Side rejected all concrete proposals on prices and tariffs, submitted by the Ukrainian delegation during the negotiations in Moscow on December 27-30, obstinately insisting on the so-called "market" price of $ 230 for 1000 cubic metres of gas. Meanwhile, the Ukrainian Side was ready to agree upon gradual transition to market methods of cooperation in gas sphere.

Furthermore, Moscow "did not hear" the proposal of the President of Ukraine in regard of declaring a moratorium on changing prices and tariffs before accomplishing talks that were suggested to be held with the participation of international experts during the first ten days of January 2006. Finally, the Russian Side rejected the official commentary, submitted to the Russian Federation on December 31, 2005, in a note of the MFA of Ukraine. The document clearly substantiated the validity of the position of the Ukrainian Side based on current contractual obligations of the Parties. The regrettable facts of demonstrative neglect of the contract in force and decreasing the volume of gas supply display the existence of certain forces in Moscow that spur the country on the way of unpredictability and blackmailing in regard of consumers in all countries.

The intimidations sounded by the statement of the MFA of the Russian Federation of January 1, 2006, are merely intended for poorly informed Russian citizens, lulled by bridled analysts and controlled mass-media. Politicians and societies of Ukraine, EU countries and the US are perfectly aware of the fact that, in compliance with the current contract of 2002 and with the Supplement ?4 to this contract of August 9, 2004, Russian companies are obliged to supply gas to Ukraine on a fixed terms in order to ensure the transit of Russian gas via Ukrainian territory to the EU member-states and other countries.

Ukrainian Side is ready to prove consistently the validity and fairness of its position by all means, including through the international arbitration. We consider the possibility of an appeal to nuclear states - the guarantors of Ukraine's national security according to the Memorandum of 1994 - in order to apply the mechanism of consultations.

Irresponsible and destabilizing actions of certain forces in Moscow that apparently do not even inform their own authorities about the actual state of affairs, threaten with undermining the image of Russia as a reliable partner in energy sphere in the very year of its chairing in G-8, as well as with considerable losses for Russian taxpayers, who will have to pay off the doubtful financial consequences of such a policy. Hence, it is easy to predict, how the North-European gas pipeline will be used.

Thereupon, the MFA of Ukraine is authorized to state the following:

1. Ukrainian Side insists on the transition to market principles of cooperation in gas sphere and on introduction since January 1, 2006 of prices for gas supplies and tariffs for its transit in compliance with European pricing methods.

2. We suggest both delegations to renew the negotiation process involving international experts.

3. We propose to set a moratorium on non-market methods of settling existing disagreements.

4. Ukraine will proceed with its efforts to remain a reliable transporter of Russian gas to the EU member-states and other countries in accordance with the contracts in force, even though the fulfilment of our obligations will be carried out at the expense of the own gas resources that are not supplied by Russia for this purpose. At the moment, the energy security of the gas consuming states is seriously threatened and no country could be excluded in this context. All this requires coordinated efforts of natural gas producing, transporting and consuming states and that is what Ukraine urges for.

January 1, 2006

Overheard in Kyiv Supermarket

2006-01-01T22:22:00.000-05:00

"Sorry, all we have is Russian mustard."

"No thanks. I don't buy Russian."

Other customers laugh, "Neither do we!"

Boycott Russian Goods!

2005-12-31T22:55:00.000-05:00

Yuschenko:
``Why does Turkey pay $100 per thousand cubic meters, the Baltic countries pay $110, the Caucasus pays $100, and Ukraine, which is Russia's closest neighbor, must pay $230?''

Michael Thumann in Die Zeit from 29 December 2005 answers:

Yushchenko annoys the Russians in a variety of ways. The emphasis on independence (which many Russians find difficult to accept), the substantially democratic conditions in the country, the striving to join the West, the advances to the EU - all this is not consistent with the rules of behaviour that the Kremlin to this day prescribes for its onetime satellites. But Moscow is especially sensitive about the negotiations between Kyiv and Washington over a closer co-operation with NATO, leading to membership. And NATO is the picture of the enemy, no matter how many agreements have been signed to calm Russia.

The natural gas account gives Vladimir Putin a perfect method to apply pressure, by means of which the Ukrainians are to be stopped from forming close ties to the West. Stay away from NATO in exchange for a slow rise in the gas price - wouldn't that be a deal? And in case the regime in Kyiv doesn't give in, it will eventually fall on its own over the energy prices and their consequences. Gazprom's pricing is the continuation of the Kremlin's politics by other means... The example of Ukraine should teach caution to all of Europe.

The above illustration (via http://www.livejournal.com/users/khoma/29228.html ) is part of a drive to boycott Russian goods as a result of Russia's gas blackmail. Spread the word - Don't buy Russian goods! And to the G7 - Are you on drugs.... G8?!? Russia chairing?!? Come on people - wake up and smell the gas!

Yuschenko Election List

2005-12-18T21:26:00.000-05:00

Interesting to note that Zvarych is higher on the list than Poroshenko who is higher than Tretyakov.

Виборчий список блоку Ющенка
1. Єхануров Юрій - Прем'єр-міністр України
2. Кінах Анатолій - голова Ради Нацбезпеки і оборони
3. Тарасюк Борис - міністр закордонних справ України, голова Народного Руху України
4. Герасимюк Ольга - продюсер телеканалу 1+1, телеведуча
5. Лижичко Руслана - співачка
6. Кириленко В'ячеслав - віце-прем'єр з гуманітарних питань
7. Ляпіна Ксенія - народний депутат, голова Ради підприємсців при КМУ
8. Катеринчук Микола - народний депутат, екс-голова податкової міліції
9. Князевич Руслан - член Центральної виборчої комісії
10. Григорович Лілія - народний депутат
11. Стретович Володимир - народний депутат, голова Християнсько-демократичної партії
12. Матвієнко Анатолій - екс-Прем'єр Криму, голова УРП "Собор"
13. Оніщук Микола - народний депутат, ПППУ
14 Танюк Лесь - народний депутат, НРУ
15. Беспалий Борис - народний депутат, постійний представник уряду у ВР
16. Ключковський Юрій - народний депутат, представник Президента у ВР
17. Куйбіда Василь - народний депутат, Керівник апарату ЦП НРУ, екс-мер Львова
18. Оробець Юрій - народний депутат
19. Білозір Оксана - народний депутат, екс-міністр культури
20. Майко Віталій - народний депутат із "ЗаЄдУ", зараз ПППУ, гендиректор Київського державного заводу "Буревісник"
21. Мартиненко Микола - народний депутат, голова парламентської фракції НУ
22. Павленко Юрій - міністр молоді та спорту
23. Безсмертний Роман - голова Ради партії НСНУ, екс-віце-прем'єр
24. Коваль Вячеслав - народний депутат, НРУ
25. Івченко Олексій - голова НАК Нафтогаз України, лідер КУН
26. Зварич Роман - екс-міністр юстиції
27. Прокопович Наталя - керівник Центру інституційного розвитку
28. Довгий Станіслав - народний депутат із "За ЄдУ", зараз ПППУ
29. Черновецький Леонід - народний депутат, лідер ХЛП (?), "Посольство Боже" і так далі
30. Гірник Євген - народний депутат, мажоритарник (Івано-Франківська обл), НУ
31. Удовенко Геннадій - народний депутат, НРУ
32. Поляченко Володимир - президент "Київміськбуду"
33. Порошенко Петро - екс-голова РНБОУ
34. Шпиг Федір - банкир, колишній власник банку "Аваль", народний депутат, мажоритарник, "НУ"
35. Левченко Катерина - відомий правозахисник із Харкова, провідний борець з експортом повій, тобто з торгівлею людьми (центр "Ла Страда - Україна")
36. Гуреєв Василь - народний депутат ПППУ, екс-міністр
37. Бондар Олександр - заступник голови ФДМУ, УРП "Собор"
38. Марущенко Володимир - заступник голови ХДС
39. Лановий Володимир - радник Президента України, екс-віце-прем'єр, академік, НРУ
40. Ющенко Петро - народний депутат, брат Президента
41. Третяков Олександр - екс-перший помічник Президента, бізнесмен
42. Полянчич Михайло - народний депутат (Наша Україна, Тернопільська обл)
43. Головатий Сергій - міністр юстиції, вихідець із БЮТ
44. Волков Олександр - відомий баскетболіст
45. Джемільов Мустафа - народний депутат, НРУ, лідер Меджлісу кримськотатарського народу
46. Мойсик Володимир - народний депута, вихідець із УНП
47. Кучеренко Олексій - голова Державного комітету з питань житлово-комунального господарства
48. Вязівський Володимир - керівник виконкому ЛОО НСНУ
49. Жебрівський Павло - голова Житомирської обласної державної адменестрації
50. Келестин Валерій - народний депутат, вихідець із УНП
51. Чорноволенко Олександр - народний депутат, НРУ
52. Гнатенко Лев - народний депутат, ПППУ
53. Одайник Микола - депутат-мажоритарник (Вінницька область), НУ
54. Король Віктор - депутат (НСНУ), екс-начальник податкової тощо
55. Артеменко Юрій - екс-голова Запорізької ОДА
56. Аржевітін Станіслав - власник банку "Ажіо"
57. Борисов Валерій - заступник голови КМДА
58. Горошкевич Олександр - депутат 3 скликання від ПЗУ, кандидат від "Жінок за майбутнє", зараз - неясно
59. Кендзьор Ярослав - голова ЛОО НРУ, народний депутат
60. Заплатинський Володимир - народний депутат, обраний за списком СДПУ(о), зараз ПППУ
61. Омельченко Олександр - син київського мера, народний депутат
62. Яковина Микола - УРП "Собор"
63. Ружицький Антон - народний депутат, НСНУ
64. Довгий Тарас - народний депутат, НСНУ
65. Зейналов Едуард - голова Кіровоградської ОДА, діловий партнер Третьякова
66. Федун Олексій - екс-президент телеканалу СТБ
67. Гуменюк Олег - народний депутат, мажоритарник (Тернопільска область), НСНУ
68. Степанов Геннадій - народний депутат, ПППУ
69. Жванія Давид - екс-міністр надзвичайних справ
70. Лопушанський Андрій - 1-й заступник голови НАК Нафтогаз
71. Кріль Ігор - екс-голова Закарпатської ДПА
72. Карпук Володимир - заступник голови Волинської ОДА
73. Чубаров Рефат - заступник голови Меджлісу, народний депутат (НРУ)
74. Сокирко Микола - народний депутат, НСНУ
75. Богашева Наталія - помічник народного депутата
76. Тополов Віктор - міністр вугільної промисловості
77. Шкрібляк Анатолій - екс-"Нова Генерація", заступник голови Івано-Франківської ОДА
78. Круць Микола - народний депутат (НСНУ), власник "Івано-Франківськцементу"
79. Шкутяк Зіновій - мер Івано-Франківська
80. Сташевський Станіслав - перший віце-прем'єр
81. Поживанов Михайло - народний депутат, НРУ
82. Бичков Сергій - народний депутат (НСНУ, раніше "Центр"), Дніпропетровська область, пов'язаний із групою "Приват"
83. Скляр Володимир - невідомий
84. Козаченко Олексій - народний депутат, НСНУ
85. Лещенко Віктор - голова Харківської ОО ПППУ
86. Кульчинський Микола - народний депутат, НСНУ
87. Фіалковський Володимир - народний депутат, мажоритарник (Херсонська обл), НСНУ
88. Давимука Степан - народний депутат, НРУ, екс-голова регіонального відділення ФДМУ Львівської обл
89. Довбенко Михайло - УРП "Собор", директор Інституту відкритої політики
90. Бойко Олег - керівник юридичного управління НСНУ, співробітник Катеринчука в адвокатській конторі "Моор і Кросондович"
91. Цехмістренко Віталій - народний депутат, НСНУ
92. Шульга Володимир - невідомий93. Гаврилюк Іван - народний депутат (мажоритарник, Львівщина, ПРП), актор
94. Дерев'янко Юрій - невідомий
95. Швець Микола - хочеться вірити, що НЕ голова Дніпропетровської облради; треба дізнатись точно
96. Костинюк Богдан - народний депутат, НСНУ
97. Ющенко Ярослав - заступник голови Харківської ОДА, племінник Президента
98. Жоголєв Володимир - голова правління. ВАТ "Лисичанськийзавод гумовотехнічних виробів
99. Поліщук Микола - екс-міністр охорони здоров'я
100. Атрощенко Владислав - екс-голова Чернігівської ОДА

Wow! $227 per sec!

2005-12-06T16:17:00.000-05:00

So the race for the Vekhovna Rada is on. We can expect, noise, hoopla and commercials, commercials, commercials. Once upon a time, say back in 1994, when independent Ukraine's first elections to the Parliament were held, nothing, except for a few clever public service announcements aired on Ukrainian television.

Now, we'll hopefully be entertained, or more likely, annoyed by a deluge of political advertising. And how much will it cost the Parties to get their messages out to the hapless voters, you ask? According to forUm here's the breakdown:

1+1 Channel - $227 per sec
M1 (music channel) - $92
Inter Channel - $90.2
Novy Channel - $34
UT-1 - $20.8
The 5th Channel – $21
NTN - $14.5 (VAT is not included)
ICTV - $14
STB - $13.8
TRK Ukraina - $13
TET - $10 (taxes are not included)
OTV - $8.4
TRK Era - $7.2 (taxes are not included)
Tonis Channel - $7 (taxes are not included)

To Save the State - Save the Nation

2005-12-02T10:02:00.000-05:00

More on the Presidential Hearings held on Monday.

An excerpt from Oksana Zabushko's speech:

Але найбільша загроза 14 років нашого культурного колоніалізму – не
“зовнішня”, а “внутрішня”: в цих умовах неможлива ні національна
консолідація, ні витворення політичної нації. Позбавлений доступу до знання в найширшому сенсі, український громадянин не може й знати, чим йому пишатися, – почуття, без якого не буває повноцінного громадянства. Не маючи доступу до власної культурної спадщини (жодного зібрання творів класики за 14 років, жодного музею, який би відповідав сучасним вимогам, і т.д.), вкрай погано знаючи історію і минулу, і біжучу (приклад – медіальна презентація Майдану), ніколи не чувши імен тих, хто складає славу національного пантеону, позбавлений загальнонаціональних інформаційних інститутів громадянської спільноти (без друкованого органу, аналогічного до “Figaro”, “Spiegel” чи “New Yorker”, неможлива консолідація освіченої верстви в масштабі всієї країни), - одне слово, без культурної ідентичности - український тубілець залишить своїх племінних вождів бавитися скальпами політичних противників – і вигравати вибори не в діалозі з власним народом, а в шахових партіях із політтехнологами іноземних держав.

You can read her entire speech here.
The rest here.

The working resolutions and decisions are here.

Ukrainian Book of the Year

2005-12-01T22:46:00.000-05:00

The BBC Ukrainian Service is asking its listeners to vote for the Ukrainian Book of the year. And the nominees are:

1.Іван Андрусяк "Вургун"
2.Юрій Андрухович "Центрально-східна ревізія"
3."Антологія українського самвидаву"
4.Володимир Аренев "Дикi володарi"
5.Юрій Винничук "Весняні ігри в осінніх садах"
6.Павло Вольвач "Кляса"
7.Лариса Денисенко "Забавки із плоті і крові"
8.Лариса Денисенко "Кавовий присмак кориці"
9."День і вічність Джеймса Мейса" - під ред. Івшиної
10.Любко Дереш "Культ"11.Володимир Діброва "Довкола столу"
12.Анатолій Дністровий "Пацики"
13.Яна Дубинянська "Козли"
14.Яна Дубинянська "Сходовий майданчик"
15.Сергій Жадан "Анархія в Україні"
16.Оксана Забужко "Друга спроба"
17.Оксана Забужко "Let My People Go: 15 текстів про українську
революцію"
18.Юрій Іздрик "АМTM"
19.Олександр Ірванець "Рівне/Ровно"
20.Ірена Карпа "50 хвилин трави"
21.Ірена Карпа "Фройд би плакав"
22.Андрій Кокотюха "Повзе змія"
23.Валерій, Наталія Лапікури "Вилов бандюг по-науковому"
24.Валерій, Наталія Лапікури "Поїзд, що зник"
25.Олеся Мамчич "Перекотиболе"
26.Марія Матіос "Солодка Даруся"
27.Тарас Прохасько "НепрОсті"
28.Тарас Прохасько "З цього можна зробити кілька оповідань"
29.Тарас Прохасько "Приватна колекція"
30.Ірен Роздобудько "Він: Ранковий прибиральник. Вона: Шості двері"
31.Василь Слапчук "Мовчання, адресоване мені"
32.Павло Солодько "Четверта революція"
33.Дмитро Стус "Василь Стус: життя як творчість"

Tragically, it seems that the list is pretty comprehensive. Tragically, because these books are pretty much it for Ukrainian language publications. I cast my vote. Vote for your choice here.

Results in January 2006.

The Sorry State of Ukrainian Culture

2005-11-29T17:33:00.000-05:00

Yuschenko quote in the Washington Post Express (the WP's throw away freebie) on Tuesday:

He spoke at hearings which were held on Monday in Ukrainskyi Dim. The hearings deserve more attention than I, unfortunately, can afford just now. But here's a quote from Yuschenko during his closing:

Якщо ми не збагнемо зараз колосально велику майбутню цінність українського слова, традицій, історії, ми можемо втратити все, що потім називається шматком хліба, маслом з бутербродом. Сьогодні держави падають не від того, що полки Муравйова приїжджають з якоїсь території, а від того, що забувають мову, свою культуру, традиції. Це вірний шлях до того, як забути свою державу і кінець кінцем її втратити. Тому безумовно я відніс би політику гуманітарного напрямку до безпекової політики держави, не жартуючи з цим.

He spoke about the state of Ukrainian cinema, publishing. Find the whole speech in Ukrainian here .

Holodomor

2005-11-26T23:40:00.000-05:00

A little known bit of history in modern Ukraine passed on to me a few years back...

Several years ago, when Kuchma was President, Yuschenko was Prime Minister, the Diaspora was commemorating the Holodomor, the US Senate, President Clinton issued Holodomor statements and nothing was forthcoming from the Ukrainian government.

A member of the executive board of the UCCA, Ronya Lozynskyj was in Ukraine. She attempted to get something from the Ukrainian government commemorating this Ukrainian tragedy to no avail. Finally, she called Maryna Ostapenko who was at that time a news anchor on the Inter television network and is currently the spokesperson for the SBU, the Security Service of Ukraine. Ostapenko was shocked and angry that nothing was forthcoming from the Ukrainian side. She called Sashko Martynenko, who at the time was Kuchma's press spokesman and is now back with Interfax Ukraine. Martynenko was acutely embarrassed that it seemed that everyone but the Ukrainians themselves cared about this crime against the Ukrainian nation. He placed it on the agenda of the Cabinet of Ministers and at least de jure, Holodomor Remembrance Day was instituted in Ukraine. But of course, we know that beyond that not much more was, in fact, done.

President Yuschenko has committed to educating the not only the world, but even the Ukrainian people themselves about this dark period in world history. Certainly, national self respect demands that the Holodomor finally be recognized for the genocide that it was. Certainly every child that died, every grandparent who perished, every father who couldn't feed his children, every mother who scoured the fields for a single grain, deserves our heads bowed in acknowledgement and prayer.

Recognize UPA

2005-10-14T14:05:00.000-04:00

Traditionally, on this day, Ukrainians honor those who defended their homeland, the Kozaks, the Ukrainian Sich and today, though as yet unrecognized by the Ukrainian state, the UPA. The Ukrainian Insurgent Army, (Ukrainska povstanska armiia) which is known by its Ukrainian acronym, UPA, was the only military formation to actually fight for Ukraine during the Second World War.

Petro Sodol writes in his introduction to his overview of the history of UPA in the Encyclopedia of Ukraine:

Ukrainian Insurgent Army (Ukrainska povstanska armiia [UPA]). A Ukrainian military formation which fought from 1942 to 1949, mostly in Western Ukraine,
against the German and Soviet occupational regimes. Its immediate purpose was to protect the Ukrainian population from German and Soviet repression and
exploitation; its ultimate goal was an independent and unified Ukrainian state...

UPA was demonized by the Soviets and continues to be subjected to defamation and abuse by by anti-Ukrainian political forces. As a result, a large percentage of Ukrainians themselves misunderstand what UPA was and what it means to us today. As Prof. James Mace, the late, eminent Holodomor scholar once noted, "Without UPA and its parent, the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists, Ukraine today would be one, huge Byelorus." Nonetheless, to date, Ukraine does not officially recognize its heros, but in fact, allows those few who have survived Siberia, torture and the rest, to continue to be violated.

Yushchenko has spoken about "reconciliation" between Red Army veterans and UPA veterans. leading to official recognition of the rights of the "UPisty." It seems odd that veterans of a foreign army, as the Soviet army in fact was, would dicate the decision regarding recognition of the only army that fought for Ukraine during WWII. It is explained only by the failure of the governments of the last 14 years to educate and counter the anti-Ukrainian propaganda which has indoctrinated the population and has lead to what can simply be called "national self-loathing."

Yet Ukraine must go about the business of consolitating itself as a state, as a nation. And that probably does mean that some form of reconciliation must be achieved. The US, immediatlty after the Civil War, understood that it needed to unify, it needed to rebuild. The blood of soldiers, both Confederate and Union was still fresh in 1868, yet US national interests demanded reconciliation. And Memorial Day was proclaimed, honoring both the Blues and the Greys.

According to usmemorialday.org:

Memorial Day was officially proclaimed on 5 May 1868 by General John Logan, national commander of the Grand Army of the Republic, in his General Order No. 11, and was first observed on 30 May 1868, when flowers were placed on the graves of Union and Confederate soldiers at Arlington National Cemetery.

World War II is fifty years past. Today, Ukraine needs to recognize those heroes who fought for Her, against all odds, against both of the Twentieth Century's most vicious war machines. Alone, without aid, without support and still today, without recognition.

And with recognition, then perhaps, we can have our own Memorial Day. One that recognizes all the pain, all the suffering, all of our losses. And when that is done, we can go forward and build a Ukraine, free from foreign oppressors, free to decide its own fate.

And BTW, if you happen to see one of those veterans of UPA today, give him or her some flowers and say "Thank you."

New Political Bloc?

2005-10-14T13:04:00.000-04:00

The political situation in Ukraine is ripe for comedy. New joke making the rounds:

A new political bloc is being formed to face down Tymoshenko's Byut. It's called YuLYa (Yushchenko, Lytvyn, Yanukovych)

Piskun Sacked

2005-10-14T12:45:00.000-04:00

On the RL site:

Ukrainian Prosecutor-General Sacked

(EPA)Kyiv, 14 October 2005 (RFE/RL) -- Ukrainian President Viktor Yushchenko today sacked Prosecutor-General Svyatoslav Piskun.

Oleh Rybachuk, head of Yushchenko's administration, made the announcement at a press conference in Kyiv. No other details were immediately available. "I can say that we have probably saved Piskun from himself, from opening a criminal case against himself," Rybachuk said. " He has been very excited in recent days, opening so many cases. I think this is a normal, well-timed decision by the president so he [Piskun] doesn't open a case against himself, investigate it in one day and put himself in jail." Piskun had recently started investigations against one of Yushchenko's political allies, Petro Poroshenko, a former high-ranking security official.

Lord knows Piskun should have been fired at the onset of Yushchenko's administration. But, is he being fired because he began to go after Poroshenko?

Yekhanurov in Moscow as Ukraine 'SURRENDERS' to Russia

2005-10-04T23:11:00.000-04:00

AFP is reporting that Russian newspapers, Kommersant specifically, are gleefully announcing that Ukraine is "surrendering" to Russia...

Yekhanurov in Moscow as Ukraine 'SURRENDERS' to Russia Oct 4, '05 5:50 PM ET

Agence France Presse, Moscow, Russia, Friday, September 30, 2005

MOSCOW - Ukraine's new Prime Minister Yury Yekhanurov came to Moscow Friday for talks with officials expected to focus on energy deals as newspapers said "orange revolution" President Viktor Yushchenko had sent his man to Moscow "to surrender" to Russia.

Yekhanurov met his Russian counterpart, Mikhail Fradkov, and other senior officials as press reports in both countries said problems with delivery of natural gas from Russia to Ukraine would figure prominently on the agenda.

Ukraine has faced mounting difficulties this year in obtaining gas deliveries from Russia, and has signed long-term deals with other ex-Soviet republics to offset plans announced by Russian gas giant Gazprom to set prices for Ukraine at world market rates, effectively tripling the price.

"It is anticipated that Yury Yekhanurov will today find new solutions for resolving this problem," the opposition daily Nezavisimaya Gazeta said.

In an article headlined "Yekhanurov has come to surrender," the liberal newspaper said the visit to Moscow by Yekhanurov, his first trip outside Ukraine since becoming prime minister earlier this month, confirmed that Yushchenko is doing an about-face and realigning his policy with Moscow.

"This means de facto that the leaders of the 'orange revolution' have abandoned their earlier ideals," the daily wrote. "The Yushchenko team has turned back to the principles and methods for conduct of foreign policy that characterized the Kuchma regime."

Yushchenko came to power late last year after a bitterly-disputed presidential election in which his opponent to succeed former president Leonid Kuchma was seen as "Moscow's man" in Kiev while Yushchenko, who promised a break from Russia, was cast as the West's favorite son.

In a banner six-column, page-one headline, the respected business daily Kommersant stated: "Ukraine Signals Change of Course" and commented in a sub-heading that the "cabinet of Yury Yekhanurov will be pro-Russian."

The article said Yekhanurov had made clear his government will defend and advance Russia's political and economic interests.

Both Yekhanurov and Yushchenko rose through the ranks of the Soviet bureaucracy.

"Finding a common language with his partners in Moscow will obviously not be complicated," Kommersant said. "The new cabinet, in contrast to the previous one, is closely-linked to Russian capital."

Yekhanurov is seen in Kiev as a moderate technocrat of unquestioning allegiance to Yushchenko.

Prior to being tapped for prime minister, Yekhanurov had served briefly as the head of a regional administration in the heavily-industrialized and strongly pro-Russian east of Ukraine, where he was placed by Yushchenko to soothe hurt feelings after last year's crisis.

Enough! Stop Debasing Ukraine!

2005-09-19T22:32:00.000-04:00

Andrei's key point: People came to the Maidan, not for Yuschenko, not for Tymoshenko, but for Ukraine. The Orange Revolution was not some poli-technical construct of the election bloc - Strength of the Nation. It was not financed by Berezovsky or the CIA. It was an extraordinary example of enthusiasm, of national consciousness, a national manifestation of Ukrainians, who choose to stand up for Ukraine, for social justice. It was financed by Ukrainians, not only by Ukrainian businessmen, but also elderly Ukrainians giving the Maidan their last hryvnias.

Pogo's us is of course, those who are trying to usurp the Maidan, those who stood on the podiums, not in the snow. Not the students with their passion for justice. Not the mothers who fought for the futures of their children. Not the babusia's who suffered untold horrors and yet continue to have faith.

I join Andrei Parubyi in saying "Enough!"

Досить!

http://www.gazeta.lviv.ua/articles/2005/09/19/8941/

МИНУЛО десять місяців від помаранчевої революції, від подій, які ознаменували початок нового етапу розвитку Української держави.

Попри складність цього періоду, в країні зберігався небувалий ентузіазм, віра в майбутнє України. Українці, котрі, власне, і вчинили помаранчеву революцію, пробачали керівникам держави помилки та прорахунки, свідомі та несвідомі. Кожен вірив, що недаремно був на Майдані у вирішальний для держави час і зробив усе для перемоги Майдану. Кожен відчував і власну відповідальність за те, що відбувається в країні.

Нині перед українцями гостро постає питання: чи відчувають таку ж відповідальність перед Україною політики, котрі на хвилі революції опинились у владних кріслах? Брудні взаємні звинувачення найвідоміших політиків, які заповнили телерадіоефір і шпальти газет, дають підстави стверджувати, що власні амбіції стали важливішими від національних інтересів України.

І проблема не в тому, що В. Ющенко відправив у відставку уряд Ю. Тимошенко. Він як Президент держави має на це повне право.

Проблема також не в тому, що Ю. Тимошенко пішла в опозицію до Президента. Вона має на це право як політичний діяч.

Проблема в тому, який інструментарій почали використовувати в дискусіях між командами двох найпопулярніших політиків у державі.

Я не маю на увазі звинувачення в корупції та зловживанні службовим становищем. Викриття таких фактів може лише посприяти очищенню української влади. Ці звинувачення необхідно ретельно розслідувати, а винуватих слід жорстко покарати.

Я маю на увазі той факт, що більшість чільних діячів держави в запалі дискусії розпочали кампанію системної та послідовної дискредитації Майдану та й, зрештою, України. Особисті амбіції, на мою думку, здолали не лише здоровий глузд, а й відповідальність, яку мають нести ті політичні діячі, котрі на хвилі національного піднесення опинилися на верхівці владної піраміди.

Взаємна боротьба на знищення призвела до того, що вже поставлено поза порядком денним питання, чи фінансував помаранчеву революцію російський олігарх Бєрєзовскій, чи ні? Дискутують лишень питання, кого він фінансував – Ющенка чи Тимошенко?

Політики наввипередки проголошують, що за ними стоїть Майдан. Говорити від імені Майдану стало добрим тоном кожного з них. Одні оголосили себе народженими революцією, інші анонсують початок Майдану-ІІ (ніби презентуючи нову версію комп’ютерної гри), ще хтось підраховує, хто має більше командирів помаранчевої революції у своєму активі.
При цьому забувають про тих, хто, власне, і був рушійною силою революції – українську націю. Не те, щоб про нас зовсім забули. Щоденно від нашого імені проголошують нові гасла, не порадившись із нами, а нам пропонують гру, в якій ключовим є запитання: “Ти за кого – за Юлю чи за Ющенка?”

Особисто я відмовляюся грати в неї. Я відмовляюся робити вибір між учорашніми чільниками “есдеків” Порошенком і Зінченком, між Червоненком і Бродським, між Пінчуком і Коломойським. Бо я – за Україну. А більшість із цих діячів, на жаль, у мене не асоціюються з українською перспективою.

Саме українська перспективна й об’єднувальна національна ідея стали тими визначальними чинниками, які привели мене на Майдан. Маю підстави вважати, що більшість людей вийшли туди не за Ющенка чи Тимошенко, а за Україну! Маю всі підстави стверджувати як один з активних організаторів Майдану, як комендант Українського дому, що Майдан не був політтехнологією виборчого штабу “Сила народу”, а зразковим прикладом небувалого ентузіазму та вищого рівня самоорганізації українців, котрі приїхали в Київ захищати свої національні та соціальні інтереси. А Ющенко став символом, уособленням цієї боротьби. І революцію фінансували не бєрєзовські чи американські спецслужби, а українці. Й не тільки бізнесмени. Кожен, хто був на Майдані, бачив, як люди несли кошти на революцію, як бабусі віддавали останню гривню на допомогу Майдану.

А ви, хто бачив Майдан лише з осліпленої прожекторами сцени, проголосивши себе лідерами Майдану, в істерії взаємознищення, проголошуєте на весь світ, кому і скільки давав Бєрєзовскій для організації помаранчевої революції!

І тому я хочу сказати “Досить!” усім тим, хто нині втратив відчуття реальності. Озирніться довкола. Подивіться, з яким ентузіазмом Кучма підтримує одну сторону, а Кравчук і Медведчук – іншу. Які радісні їхні обличчя, як сяє від задоволення Путін. Подивіться, яка хвиля розчарування покотилася Україною, старанно підживлювана представниками вчорашнього режиму та Росією.

Я не проти дискусії. Але хочу, щоб між собою конкурували концепції та програми. Щоб національні пріоритети були основою та метою цих програм. А люди нехай обирають. Однак я проти того, щоб українська нація була заручницею міжперсональних розборок політиків, котрі в шалі взаємопоборювання дискредитують Україну, дискредитують Майдан.

Сьогодні, в цей відповідальний період, ми всі разом повинні сказати: “Досить!”

Досить приватизовувати Майдан.

Досить спекулювати помаранчевою революцією.

Досить зневажати Україну!

Андрій Парубій – комендант Українського дому в Києві під час помаранчевої революції

New Prime Minister of Ukraine

2005-09-16T08:18:00.000-04:00

Acting Prime Minister of Ukraine Yuri Ekhanurov, the former head of Dnepropetrovsk regional state administration.

Also know as Yulya Ekhanurov

Source: Internet Reporter via forUm

Tymoshenko's Gone, "Temnyky" Return?

2005-09-13T10:45:00.000-04:00

There has been a rather dramatic shift in the tone of the Ukrainian press: the President is "good, good good" and Yulya is "bad, bad, bad." Telekrytyka noticed it as well:

Тимошенко пішла, «темники» повернулися?

І журналісти знову стають добровільними виконавцями комерційних та політичних замовлень.

Одним iз беззаперечних досягнень нової влади є те, що ЗМІ стали більш
вільними. Принаймні, такий стереотип “вбивався” в голови простих громадян
протягом останніх семи місяців. Більш того, чимало експертів справді відзначали
наявність більшої свободи слова під час правління чинного Президента, ніж за
часів його попередника Кучми.

Утім, останні події в українському політикумі можуть повністю зруйнувати міф
про демократичні медіа. Чи дійсно преса є незалежною, незаангажованою,
позбавленою «темників» - має продемонструвати висвітлення подій, пов’язаних із
відставкою Юлії Тимошенко. На жаль, протягом останніх днів після скинення
Юлії Володимирівни з прем’єрського крісла можна було спостерігати, принаймні, на
телебаченні, відновлення такого підзабутого явища, як цензура. Переконатися у
цьому міг будь-хто, проглянувши останні випуски таких “демократичних” програм,
як “5 копійок” на 5 “каналі чесних новин” та “Подробно” з
Дмитром Кисельовим на ICTV.

Порівнювати ці дві передачі виявилося неймовірно цікаво. Якщо пан Кисельов,
який заплямував себе під час президентських виборів, не дуже дивує своїм
суб’єктивізмом і проросійськими поглядами, то іронічна програма “найчеснішого”
каналу Романа Чайки таки дійсно зганьбила себе.

В неділю у “Подробно с Дмитрием Кисельовим” глядачі могли спостерігати
синхронний спів Богословської і Кармазіна, які щосили поливали брудом
екс-прем’єрку, звісно, не без допомоги дирижера-ведучого. Дійшло до того, що
Юрій Кармазін наводив як доказ змови Тимошенко з групою “Приват” розповсюджену
по інтернету розшифровку нібито телефонної розмови леді Ю. з паном Коломойським,
де вона називає Ющенка “прищавим” і використовує нецензурний, навіть
кримінальний лексикон. Пан Кармазін iз цілковитою впевненістю заявляє, що так
висловлюються лише справжні бандити. Чесно кажучи, важко повірити, що така
елегантна, освічена жінка як Тимошенко вдавалася б до подібного стилю розмови.
Натомість народний депутат (за чутками, людина Порошенка) з насолодою цитує
інтернет-компромат, навіть не сумніваючись у його достовірності. Варто додати,
що Юрій Кармазін – людина з юридичною освітою. Єдиним логічним поясненням такої
поведінки парламентарія може бути спрямована дискредитація колишнього керівника
уряду. А за браком доказів доводиться подавати як факт різноманітні чутки та
інформацію з недостовірних джерел.

Щодо “5 копійок”, принцип якої завжди полягав у наявності двох сторін,
які мають різні погляди на ту чи іншу ситуацію, суботній випуск цієї програми
майже не відрізнявся від Кисельовського “шедевру”. Запрошені до студії пан
Беспалий і пан Єремеєв замість дискусії доповнювали одне одного, навіть
змагалися, хто нанесе більшого удару по репутації усуненої прем’єрки.

Хоч як не крути, а все це дуже нагадує масовану пропаганду з метою
дискредитації опозиції за часів Кучми. Згадаймо лише славнозвісну програму
“Проте” Дмитра Корчинського та й загалом усі випуски новин, коли тодішня
опозиція, до якої входив і нинішній глава держави, згадувалася лише в
негативному контексті. Причому коментарі лунали лише з боку провладних
політиків. Думка іншої, обвинуваченої сторони не подавалася зовсім.

Сьогодні ж спостерігається аналогічна ситуація. Окрім згаданих “5 копійок” та
“Подробно”, не можна не відзначити підсумковий випуск “ТСН” на
“плюсах”. З журналістських коментарів і синхронів випливав лише один
висновок: Президент прийняв правильне рішення, бо Тимошенко вела нечесну гру,
орієнтуючись на парламентські вибори. Навіть подавався коментар відносно того,
як по-акторському Юлія Володимирівна виступила на телеканалі “Інтер” після
відставки. Натомість жодних коментарів з боку представників команди Тимошенко
почути не вдалося.

Ну а те, як подав у п’ятницю телеканал «Ера» у нічних «Підсумках
тижня» компромат на Олександра Зінченка – свідчення в.о. начальника
київського УБОП полковника Гелетея щодо спроби тоді ще Держсекретаря натиснути
на оперативні органи з метою відвести від відповідальності одну з туристичних
фірм – взагалі ні в які ворота професійної журналістики не лізло. Сюжет та
підводка до нього ведучого Юрія Торопчинова нагадували сумнозвісні часи цього
каналу, коли завдяки наближеності його хазяїна, Андрія Деркача, до силових
структур його використовували у якості «зливної ями» для боротьби з ворогами
двох Деркачів та їхніх політичних «дахів». Звичайно, жодних коментарів іншої
сторони у сюжеті «Ери» не було і близько, між тим, оціночних образливих епітетів
у бік О. Зінченка – було предостатньо. То що ж, якщо ще згадати першовересневий
телемарафон трьох каналів Пінчука щодо подій навколо НЗФ – висновок напрошується
сам собою: комерційна цензура на вітчизняне ТБ повертається точно, залишається
лише під питанням, наскільки сильно буде від неї тхнути ще й політичними
замовленнями.

Не хотілося б вірити, що розмови про відсутність «темників», свободу преси
виявилися нічим іншим, як піар-компанією нової влади. Не хотілося б вірити, що
телебачення знову стане підконтрольним владі. І хай там як, а все залежить від
самих журналістів. Чи зможуть вони дотримуватися принципу об’єктивності у своїй
роботі, поки що сказати складно. Але зрозуміло, що в іншому випадку найближчі
десять років годі й чекати жодних демократичних
перетворень.

Віталій Маргалик, для “Телекритики”

Video - Yulia Tymoshenko on Inter

2005-09-11T13:05:00.000-04:00

For those who still haven't watched Yulia's discussing her firing during her press conference on Inter, here you go...

Her apperance on September 9, 2005, is on the 5kanal website. Click the screenshot and judge for yourself.

Yulia's Firing Speech transcript in Ukrainian

2005-09-10T12:50:00.000-04:00

Виступ Юлії Тимошенко на телеканалі «Інтер»
13:54, 10 вересня 2005

(from Tymoshenko's personal site)

Я прийшла до вас, до тих людей, які хочуть мене почути без будь-яких текстів, а просто - як в свою власну родину, як до мами, до доньки, щоб просто розповісти, що відбулося.

Я думаю, що коли в нас були гарячі події президентської компанії, ми дуже часто спілкувались - тоді були майдани, а зараз це можна робити таким чином (в телеефірі - УП), дякуючи, до речі, виборам президента, що можна говорити по телебаченню.

Хочу розпочати з того, що уряд, який ви обрали, який обрали ті люди, які голосували за нову владу, за демократію - це дуже успішний уряд. Я просто хочу, щоб ви знали, що досягнення цього уряду були надзвичайні. Можна виділити 10 найбільших досягнень, які я б хотіла, щоб зафіксувались в історії, зафіксувались в пам'яті людей, тому що це є досягнення тієї команди, яку мені було дано від вас честь очолювати.
Ми закрили практично всі нелегальні тіньові обіги, ми припинили значною частиною контрабанду, фіктивний експорт, на базі чого побачили, а як виглядають справжні показники, які мусила мати країна.

Я можу сказати, що все те дуте, все, що ми прибрали, дало право подивитись, що Україна за перше півріччя мала динаміку зростання економіки – валовий внутрішній продукт 4 %. Для порівняння, наприклад - 3,7% у Сполучених Штатів, 1,7% – ЄС, 1,2% - Польщі. Хочу сказати, що країна успішно, нормально економічно розвивається.
Прекрасна макроекономічна культура, про це, до речі, і президент сказав, зараз існує в країні. Немає нічого фальшивого.

Друге – ми почали створювати унікальний інвестиційний клімат в країні. Щоб ви знали, що в Україні за 7 місяців скасовано більше 3 тисяч будь-яких актів, які заважають взагалі жити і працювати підприємцям. Ми зробили все для того, щоб кожен прийшов, хто хоче працювати і інвестувати в Україну, віднайти нормальне інвестиційне середовище.

Перший раз за всі 14 років сільське господарство дало унікальне зростання - 7%. Минулий рік був докорінний мінус, ми все це побачили. І це третій колосальний успіх уряду. Тому що обсяг кредитних ресурсів, спеціальна політика дотацій дали можливість піднятись на приступочку вище в сільському господарстві.
Четверте, про що можна сказати (я думаю, більше 10 таких ключових речей можна обговорити), це те, що ми, легалізуючи економіку, закриваючи всі тіньові моделі, зробили унікальний бюджет України - 80% більше ніж в минулому році за цей період.

І щоб ви відчували, яку кількість грошей ми вивели з тіньового сектору - 22,5 мільярда гривень на цю хвилину. І до кінця року буде майже 40 мільярдів. Це цифра, яку ніколи не мав в жити бюджет України. І як наслідок, на тлі економічного зростання, на тлі легалізації і детінізації ми вирішили такі соціальні програми, які не вдавалось вирішувати жодному уряду.

Ми виконали все, що обіцяв президент тим, хто йому вірив. Ми зробили прекрасну допомогу дітям. Ми підняли пенсії в середньому майже на 21%, заробітні плати в науці, культурі, освіті – на цю хвилину 44%. В промисловості в середньому прекрасні результати. І на 43% зросли загальні доходи родин, домашніх господарств в Україні.
Я вважаю, що це результат прекрасний. До речі, по пенсіям ми вдвічі збільшили доходну частину пенсійного фонду, не підвищуючи податки.

Саме тому, що економіка зростає і легалізується, це було можливим. Є речі, які ніколи в Україні не робили! Ми розробили стратегію на життя України на найближчі роки, стратегія нашої енергетичної незалежності, яка діаметрально протилежна, стратегія розвитку автомобільних доріг, яка почала втілюватись в життя.
Це є чиста приватизація - це наступне наше досягнення - чиста приватизація, приватизація, яка може за рахунок двох-трьох об'єктів до кінця року дати Україні 50 мільярдів гривень. Це - прозора приватизація на аукціоні без тих всіх корупційних, підкилимних дій...
І ті 50 мільярдів, які ми твердо отримуємо до кінця року від приватизації (я сподіваюсь, що знову це не переключиться на корупційні схеми), дали б нам можливість вирішити такі питання, як часткове повернення заощаджень людям. Це - те, що не вирішувалось роками, тому що приватизація була нечесною.

Це дасть можливість зробити прекрасні видатки розвитку. Ми хотіли за рахунок цих грошей дати маленькі кредити всім, хто хоче почати займатись бізнесом. Ми хотіли розгорнути колосальну програму забезпечення комп’ютерами практично кожного учня, студента за рахунок цих грошей. І багато інших речей, які мусили б робити...
Я можу сказати, що в кожній галузі закладена абсолютно нова система поглядів. Нова система підходів, яка абсолютно далека від того хаосу, який ми отримали в спадщину, але у нас як завжди, мене зупинили на злеті.

Ви пам’ятаєте, як мене звільняв не Кучма, а його оточення звільняло. Тоді я пропрацювала майже рік в уряді. Сьогодні знову я звільнена і знову оточенням.

Я переконана, що це не є вольове рішення президента, а це рішення його найближчої команди, яка власне і працювала, щоб я не була в уряді.

Ви розумієте, що за сім місяців розібрати ці завали, які подарували нам 14 років життя до нашого уряду, безумовно 7 місяців – це замало, як для кожної людини і для кожного уряду це мало.

Я хотіла б зараз розповісти, чому так сталося.... Чому отак зроблено було?

Я скажу перше, ми з Віктором Андрійовичем об'єднали наші команди ще до виборів президента і абсолютно рука в руку ми рухались, коли президенту було потрібне те плече, на яке можна спертись насправді.
І після того, як Віктор Андрійович переміг в такій важкій боротьбі, де люди - кожна людина, робила свій героїчний вчинок, саме в той момент в нас були тверді формальні домовленості, що Віктор Андрійович подасть мою кандидатуру як прем’єра.

Ви пам’ятаєте, що значну кількість часу після виборів президент не подавав жодної кандидатури. І була велика пауза, пов’язана з тим, що, як виявилось, ніхто в команді президента мене не очікував як прем’єра.
Зі мною президентом було проведено безліч переговорів, щоб я поступилася своїм місцем заради Петра Порошенка, і, щоб я спокійно відреагувала на те, що я не стану прем’єр-міністром. І, чесно кажучи, я не погодилась.

Я була впевнена, що мою кандидатуру не подадуть. Але настав переломний момент під час інавгурації президента, коли на площі, практично вся площа скандувала моє ім'я. Це вплинуло докорінним чином – і мене призначили.

Я можу вам сказати, що це були найважчі сім місяців в моєму житті. Це була просто щоденна руйнація життя, роботи, це була важка і неконструктивна співпраця, яка не давала можливості робити, що потрібно.

Буквально миттєво після мого призначення на базі Ради нацбезпеки і оборони на чолі з Петром Порошенком був створений фактично другий уряд. Там було досить сильно збільшено чисельний склад, там були поставлені завдання, які мали бути поставлені уряду.
Абсолютно антиконстуційно було надано право Порошенку давати напряму доручення міністрам, фактично оминаючи прем'єр-міністра.
Вся історія мого життя в уряді - це історія існування двох урядів, коли міністри отримували як мінімум з чотирьох чи навіть п’яти джерел кожен команду. Від Порошенка, від президента, від мене, від секретаріату і ще від своїх партійних лідерів. Тобто це були міністри, яких рвали на шматки. Це, безумовно, інституціональна річ, але два уряди в країні існувати не може.

Крім того, дуже цікава річ – всі, хто спілкувався з цими двома урядами сказали, що прийняте тверде рішення, що на базі Порошенка створюється така кризова група, яка, по-перше, створює кризи, а по-друге, робить усе, щоб у вересні уряд пішов у відставку, скомпрометований, практично зруйнований, з розчаруванням людей в країні.

Така відведена була доля – Порошенко мусив зайняти моє місце. Як ви бачите, перша частина відбулась. У вересні мене сплановано і, на мій погляд, глибоко несправедливо відправили у відставку. А друге не сталося - Порошенко просто самозруйнувався.

Я хотіла б ще сказати таку річ. Практично з першого дня найближче оточення президента було розміщено на всі основні грошові державні потоки - це НАК "Нафтогаз", залізниця, "Укртелеком" і багато інших потоків. Ці потоки накрили певні люди.

Я можу вам сказати, що не тільки я, все суспільство відчуло, що в країні щось не так.

Що йде руйнація тих засад, з якими ми прийшли до влади. Що вдвічі зросла корупція, що почалися чіткі розмови, хто де і як бере хабарі. Це така народна інтуїція, мислення і мудрість – вони знали, хто, де і як бере хабарі.

Я неодноразово заходила з певними питаннями до президента, де все це було по документам розписано.

Наприклад, по газу. Це взагалі така потужна геополітична корупційна модель. Але мені заборонили займатися газом, і я не могла там нічого робити, наводити порядок.

Або, наприклад, бензинова криза. Все мною було твердо домовлено, ми знайшли порозуміння з монопольними компаніями і ціни пішли вниз. Але саме в той час оточення президента просто запросило цих людей, і порадило робити все з їх подачі. І що зараз з бензином?

З м'ясом потрібно було зробити одну дрібничку - відкрити всі ринки, які є виробниками м'яса. Але паралельні команди були на те, щоб закрити, не пускати.

Все гарне, що було напрацьовано – воно пішло в небуття.

Що стосується цукру. Та кожен депутат знав, що кожен рік приймається спеціальний закон, за яким завозиться цукор-сирець. І ті, що на мітингах стоять зараз – вони теж голосували за нього і за квоту. Абсолютно свідомо було заблоковано цю квоту, у мене навіть є доручення президента, де заборонялося завозити ці дефіцитні обсяги цукру в Україну.

Ви бачили, що сталося.

Але я зараз іду, і по ключовим позиціям ціни вдалося пригальмувати і навіть повернути до попередніх.

Я можу сказати, що все це було моє щоденне життя. Коли я не могла повноцінно втілити жодну концепцію. Тому що супротив був такий, що неможливо було подолати.

Але останні події - це було просто страшно.

Ви знаєте, що я до останнього сподівалася, що ми зможемо знайти з Віктором Андрійовичем спільну мову. Я була найщирішим його партнером, я хотіла того, щоб 10 років ми йшли рука в руку. Щоб не було жодних підстав на руйнацію цього союзу.

Але коли розразилася ця унікальна криза навколо найближчого оточення президента – Порошенка, Мартиненка, Третьякова - то стало зрозуміло, що нічого не можна тримати після революції в таємниці від людей, від ЗМІ. І саме тоді ця купка людей зрозуміла, що їм треба рятувати свою шкуру. Вони президента поставили в надзвичайно складну ситуацію.

І вони шукали вихід. І коли я почула, що ця ситуація почала лавиноподібно розвиватися, я отримала запрошення від президента. Там були і Порошенко, і Третьяков, і Безсмертний, і Мартиненко, і інші люди.

І я почула речі, від яких мені стало страшно. Виявилося, що ця команда зібралася для того, щоб висловити мені претензії, формалізувати їх, і сказати, що їх рішення відправити у відставку усіх – Порошенка, Третьякова, і членів уряду, щоб закрити цей скандал.

І я запам'ятаю на все життя ці слова. Коли взяв слово Мартиненко і сказав, що я здійснюю проект по підриву авторитету президента і що Зінченко - це є моя програма.

Що він Зінченко - це те, що я запланувала, щоб зруйнувати рейтинг президента.

Вони - ці люди - взагалі не розуміють, що Саша Зінченко – це людина, яка пережила колосально важкий етап у своєму житті. Він був на межі життя і смерті. Що ця людина була здатна піднятися над всією цією дріб’язковістю, брудом, нещирістю. Мужність цієї людини не може бути чиїмось проектом, задумом, заговором. Вони не розуміють навіть, пройшовши цей час перетворень, що може бути така людина - Олександр Зінченко, який не буде з цим миритися. І це - не спецпроект Тимошенко.

Потім взяв слово президент і сказав, що він абсолютно обурений тим, що я створила таку ситуацію, що президент виглядає слабким і нездатним, а прем’єр – сильним, ефективним, результативним. Він сказав, що не допустить, щоб це відбувалося так далі. Він сказав, що є прекрасні країни - Росія, Білорусь - і там є прем’єри, яких ніхто не бачить на телебаченні.

Ця претензія була досить серйозна, що я не можу працювати так, щоб давати публічно результати, а треба всі результати передавати в секретаріат президента, і потім, як президент оголосить, робити свою чорну роботу.

Для мене все це було просто руйнацією моєї надії. Для мене не було закинуто жодного докору з приводу того, що я щось не зробила в економіці, щось не зробила в соціальній сфері.

Тому що президент - він гарний економіст, він гарний фінансист, і він краще, ніж будь-хто інший розуміє, що зроблено в країні за ці часи. Це просто, я би сказала, таке унікальне переформування країни, закладення базису для ключових перетворень. До речі, президент про це сказав і на Майдані під час того, як ми святкували День незалежності.

А потім мені сказали, що я не змогла знайти порозуміння з оточенням президента, з його командою, що я мусила знайти порозуміння, і як я спробувала довести, що все це є абсурд, що побоювання президента, що я можу піти окремо на виборчу кампанію, що я можу піти в 2009 році на вибори президента окремо, це є абсолютний абсурд.

Я хочу працювати в команді, я хочу бути поряд, я хочу бути опорою для президента! І в мене, до речі, нічого не змінилося. Я хочу, щоб не розчарували ми тих людей, не розірвали їм ці серця, не вирвали ці душі, не роз’єднали родини, щоб знову один був за Ющенка, один був за Тимошенко.

І саме тому я сказала президенту, що треба відкласти це в сторону, тому що я не мушу домовлятися з командою, я мушу мати простягнуту руку президента країни, яка мусить стати дружньою рукою для мене. Три дні і по півночі цього переговорного процесу, і після того мені було запропоновано дуже чіткі і ясні умови.

Перша умова – це те, що я мушу подати руку не президенту, а його команді – Порошенку, Мартиненко, Третьякову, Безсмертному. Що я мушу їм простягнути руку. Власне кажучи, як я можу їм протягнути руку, коли їх руки зайняті, вони постійно щось там, перепрошую, тирять в державі? Як ці руки знайти?

Я, до речі хочу сказати, що ця ідея, відставити всіх одночасно - і уряд, і тих, хто підозрюються в корупції - це була ідея Романа Петровича Безсмертного. Я можу вам сказати, що це є унікальна ідея, руйнівна ідея.

І просто згадалося якось ця територіальна реформа, яку запропонував Безсмертний, і поїхав у своє власне село, щоб її презентувати. Так тільки за намір його ледь не побили. Ну не можна ж такі експерименти на країні ставити...

Тому я сказала президенту, що замість того, щоб подати руку його оточенню, я готова подати руку йому особисто і бути поряд з ним за будь-яких умов, в будь-який момент.

Друга умова, яка була поставлена абсолютно чітко - це те, що я мушу закрити свої двері для тих людей, які багато чого зробили, щоб дати можливість мені працювати, щоб дати можливість працювати уряду, щоб дати можливість країні працювати.

Мені була поставлена умова, що я не мушу мати будь-яких політичних домовленостей відносно формування єдиних команд ні з ПРП, ні з Української народною партією, яку очолює Юрій Костенко.

І найголовніше - що я мушу публічно підтримати, публічно виступити із заявою на підтримку Порошенка, Третьякова і Мартиненка, і сказати, що це - чесні, моральні люди, що вони просто оклєвєтані, і в той же час заклеймити заявою Олександра Зінченка. І ні за яких обставин не взяти його в список виборчий свого блоку.

Ще була поставлена одна умова, щоб я завізувала укази на звільнення тих людей в уряді, які були моєю опорою в тій важкій ситуації такого двопалатного уряду. Щоб ці люди - вони мене підтримували, допомагали, вони намагались уникнути всіх цих розколів в уряді - щоб я на цих людей подала укази, підписала, щоб ці люди були звільнені.
А саме головне, що мені поставили умову, щоб я погодилась зі звільненням Олександра Турчинова, який не мусив займати посаду голови СБУ. Я розумію, що це некомфортно - мати з одного боку прем’єра, а з іншого боку - керівника СБУ, де у нас все, як на долоні, все, що робиться в країні поганого, де корупція, де зловживання, де лобізм незаконний.

Безумовно, такий тандем не влаштовував оточення президента. Але можу вам сказати, що 90% цих умов лунали саме від так званої команди, яка вимагала терміново і просто невідкладно це зробити.
І, крім того - спільне формування списку парламентського, де потрібно було дві третини віддати команді президента, і одну третину залишити формування списку за нашою партією. До речі, я проти цього не заперечувала. Коаліційна угода, похід спільний на вибори - це мною повністю вітається, це була абсолютно єдина модель, як виходити з цієї ситуації.

Але я, чесно кажучи, була психологічно зруйнованою такою формальною пропозицією, і я сказала Віктору Андрійовичу: "А чи не можна звільнити тих, хто звинувачується або підозрюється в корупції, а чи не можна їх хоча б відсторонити від посад, і потім, коли перевірка пройде, визначитися зі структурою?".

Віктор Андрійович мені сказав: "Ні, я не можу цього зробити, бо це моя команда, і вона буде відчувати несправедливість, що вони звільнені, а ви, Юлія Володимирівна, залишитесь. Це буде дисбаланс, це буде диспропорція".

Я хочу запитати, яка може бути диспропорція між людьми, які підозрюються в корупції, і які не підозрюються в корупції? І, власне, я зрозуміла, що ті умови, які мені поставлені, я просто мушу їх осмислити.

Я не підписала в ту ніч ніяких указів на подання, я просто приїхала до своєї команди. Я зібрала всіх, кого стосуються ці умови, які президент оголосив. Я зібрала цих людей, тому що я не можу їм просто втикати кинджали в спину і робити такі речі, які неможливі для мене. Я їх зібрала і просто порадилась, що робити в цьому випадку, як взагалі себе поводити.

Я можу сказати, що вони не заперечували ні проти своїх відставок, вони не заперечували ні проти чого абсолютно. Але саме головне, що я просто не змогла цього зробити, тому що крісло для мене абсолютно нічого не значить.

Хоча в мене були сотні разів, коли я готова була просто кинути все це, тому що це була просто питка - працювати в таких умовах, але я думала про те, що я не можу кинути це, тому що мене не чиновники призначали на посаду, а мене призначали люди, які стояли на цих Майданах, які голосували за президента. Я не могла залишити це, бо я відчувала, що це просто зрада, це є кинуте поле бою, кинуті барикади, і тому я не могла цього зробити самостійно.

І тоді вранці я розмовляла з президентом по телефону, і я сказала: "Вікторе Андрійовичу, я не зможу прийняти такі умови, бо я не зможу просто дивитись на себе в дзеркало вранці, мені захочеться плюнути в це дзеркало, і я буду завжди пам’ятати, кого я зрадила, щоб зберегти це крісло, яке вже практично було мало чого варте".

І тоді я попросила президента, що, може ми зустрінемося ще раз і спробуємо знайти той варіант, який не руйнує моралі наших стосунків...

Я кинула все і під’їхала до президента. Я з ним спілкувалась за 20 хвилин до того рокового прямого ефіру, коли він відправив уряд у відставку. Я сіла поряд з ним, я взяла в свої руки його руку. Я сказала: "Вікторе Андрійовичу, до ефіру залишилося декілька хвилин, до прес-конференції..." Я кажу: "Віктор Андрійович, я вас просто прошу! Я не знаю, як слова ті знайти, не руйнуйте надії людей! Не руйнуйте авторитет нашої революції, не руйнуйте надії людей на моральність, чесність і справедливість! Давайте зараз вийдемо до преси рука об руку разом, подивимось в ці камери і скажемо, що поки ми разом, стабільність у цій країні є гарантованою".

Мені в якийсь момент просто здалося, що президент дрогнув у своєму намірі.

Але ви знаєте, рок є рок... В цю хвилину увірвався Петро Олексійович Порошенко без будь-якого запрошення, без будь-якого стуку. Він весь був, перепрошую, у соплях і сльозах, і він почав кричати, що тільки що з нього зняли депутатство, що це було підтримано фракцією Блоку Юлії Тимошенко, що це є зрадники, це є люди, які його буквально прибрали з Верховної Ради, і все це, чесно кажучи, виглядало комічно...

Але президент подивився, встав, повернувся до мене спиною і сказав: "Розмову закінчено" і пішов, практично зруйнувавши нашу єдність, нашу перспективу, наше майбутнє, майбутнє країни.

Я просто хотіла б сказати, що я вважаю цей крок абсолютно нелогічним...

- Зритель из Житомира спрашивает, кто конкретно был заказчиком отставки правительства?

- Я зараз читаю пресу і там написано, що президент зробив такий мужній крок, відставивши уряд. Я хочу сказати, що президент уряд не відставляв. Президент був заручником того, що його найближче оточення поставило ультимативну умову, що уряд має бути звільнений.
Які причини цього? Причина номер один – це їх власний страх за їх власне майбутнє, якщо у мене буде зростати довіра суспільство. Причина номер два – вони не могли крутити корупційні моделі, коли я і Турчинов на місці, коли ми пильнуємо за кожним їх кроком і хапаємо за руку. І ми хапали за руку! Вони відчували, що такі можливості країни, такі фінансові потоки не оприходувані. І причина номер три, де і президент мав свою думку – більш гучним скандалом закрити той корупційний скандал, який виник в оточенні президента.

Тобто вони знайшли причину, чому звільнити саме зараз і чому так нелогічно – коли одні звинувачені у корупції, а інші відповідають. Тому що треба було в інформаційному просторі, в світі закрити тему корупції в оточенні президента – і просто перевести стрілку. Я маю от таку стопку світових засобів масової інформації. І що я там читаю? Там ніхто не згадує Порошенка і Мартиненка... А говорять, що уряд відправлений у відставку в контексті корупційного скандалу в оточенні президента. Це і була головна мета – перевести стрілки на уряд.

Я можу вам сказати – настільки чесно і логічно працювала я як прем’єр-міністр в першу чергу. І кожна людина, яка біля мене працювала, твердо знала – для мене корупція є неможливою за будь-яких обставин.

- Вы постоянно говорите: им, им, им… Кого вы имеете в виду?

- Безумовно. В першу чергу, це Порошенко. Це Третьяков, який став сам пропускником до президента, який створював його думку, який нав’язував негативні оцінки кожного дня.

Це Роман Безсмертний, який був ідеологом єзуїтської моделі, як розрубити вузол. Це Мартиненко. І ще п’ять-шість людей.

- Можете назвать?

- Я просто не хочу... Я думаю, всі знають.

- Олег из Богуслава спрашивает, считаете ли вы отставку правительства расколом команды президента Ющенко?

- Ми з президентом разом були командою. І саме головне, що у нас було – єдність. Вона зруйнована оточенням президента. І мені дуже шкода, що президент пішов на поводу в таких порад. Дуже шкода! Сьогодні, безумовно, ми є різні команди, і кожна буде рухатися своїм шляхом.

І може, якщо ще будуть такі події... Я думаю, Порошенко і Третьяков нікуди не зникнуть. Не ловіться на цей гачок, що якби то Порошенко пішов у відставку, Третьяков відсторонений. Незалежно від того, буде звільнений Третьяков чи ні, звільнений Порошенко чи він би залишався – це є команда президента, його найближчі люди, яким він довіряє. Ці люди залишаться, вони будуть. Тому кожен має іти своїм шляхом. Але, безумовно, без війни.

- Вам президент пропонував створити новий коаліційний уряд, ви відмовилися?

- Я сьогодні з великим здивуванням почула від Олега Рибачука, що нібито мені президент після відставки запропонував очолити новий уряд. Це неправда, м’яко кажучи. Ніхто мені нічого не пропонував. Ніхто зі мною про це ніяких перемовин не вів.

Я хочу нагадати останні хвилини президента перед виходом на історичну прес-конференцію. Я до останнього докладала зусиль, щоб наша єдність не була зруйнована, щоб ідеали помаранчевої революції не девальвували, щоб наш помаранчевий колір не вицвітав.

Це велика біль для мене. Як кажуть мої друзі, я надто гарно виглядаю. Але для мене це є, можливо, за все життя найглибша моральна травма.
Тут питання не фаховості або нефаховості. До речі, ще одна цікава деталь. Ви знаєте, мені на економічному форумі в Польщі присвоїли звання "Людина року Центральної та Східної Європи" - якраз за економічне реформування і реформування державних систем.
Але я сьогодні відкриваю інтернет – уявіть, в якому стані я до вас приїхала – і там з Польщі ідуть повідомлення, що за приватним проханням президента України у мене відібрали цю нагороду, яка була нагороджена і озвучена. І що начебто вручили іншому політику. Такі дрібниці непрості, щоб їх переживати.

- Скажіть, як би ви відповіли на питання, з яким "Інтер" звернувся до глядачів, "Що робити зараз Юлії Тимошенко?"

- Я щаслива, що ви поставили це інтерактивне опитування. Мені зараз дуже потрібна порада. І я хочу сприймати це опитування як віче. Я вболіваю за те, що буде з країною. Я не хочу в країні ніякого хаосу. Я хочу з країною мир, злагоду і спокій. І коли я йшла з кабінету прем’єра, я залишила Єханурову записку, що я бажаю йому всією душею успіхів, удачі в його діяльності.

В залежності від того, що ви порадите, я прийматиму рішення на найближчій політраді. Але я думаю, ми знайдемо модель, яка не зруйнує ваші надії.

- Чому корупційний скандал виник у вересні, а не раніше? Адже ви казали, що вам про ці дії було відомо раніше?

- Причина тут очевидна. Я до останнього сподівалася і, до речі, сподіваюся, що президент справиться з ганьбою, яка відбувається в його команді. Що президент зможе це подолати. Я не мала права руйнувати публічно нашу єдність. Я просила все виправити, відправити у відставку цих людей. Я сподівалася, що час підійшов позбуватися цих людей. Я будь-яким засобом тримала нашу єдність.

- Чи проаналізували ви звіти - яку інформацію збирали, на кого і хто збирав?

- Безумовно, що такий документ існує. І далеко не таємний. Просто, коли Петро Олексійович прийшов в РНБО, то він як прем’єр-міністр почав давати абсолютно незбалансовані доручення, запити великій кількості міністрам України.

Я тоді зібрала уряд, і сказала, що не можна так розбалансувати уряд. Не можна так руйнувати роботу уряду! І тому я сказала, що я направлю доручення кожному міністру збирати весь цей хлам, який приходить, і направляти до мене - щоб я доповідала за те, як інформований Петро Олексійович Порошенко.

Для того, щоб уряд міг діяти в єдиній команді, в єдиному ключі, щоб він не отримував одночасно різнопланових доручень. Це було абсолютно відкрите доручення, далеко не таємне.

- Що шукав Порошенко, коли запитував цю додаткову інформацію? Може інформацію на вас чи на соратників?

- Порошенко хотів керувати урядом і хотів отримувати зворотню реакцію. Давати доручення і отримувати звіти. Я думаю, що він тільки частково зміг зреалізувати ту ситуацію - і не в офіційній площині, а по одному управляючи міністрами деякими, деякими - в очному режимі спілкування.

- У вас, як у прем’єр-міністра, накопичилися матеріали, які можуть підтвердити корупцію Порошенка, Третякова, Мартиненка, щоб ми побачили факти корупції, про яку говорили до вас Зінченко та Томенко?

- Власно кажучи, є дві площини існування таких речей. Перша площина є напівофіційною. Коли даються з вигляду нормальні доручення, а за ними стоять серйозні, сплановані дії, що стосуються відвертого лобізму.

Я це чесно направляла до прокуратури і до СБУ. Я так само поводилася з усіма сигналами. Це є одна площина. Тому що я не слідчий орган, не силова структура, я не можу слідкувати за Порошенком – це багато честі, до речі, як і за його командою. Просто є багато причин, і мені було ніколи відслідковувати, де там його шаловливі руки.

З іншого боку, є такі речі, які виглядають досить публічно... Але так схопити за руку просто неможливо, навіть, коли ідуть скарги окремих бізнесменів, що їх практично примушують продавати частину долі. Наприклад, йдеться про такі скарги, коли примушують ділититися дивідендами по доходам.

Наприклад, йдуть такі серйозні речі як Нікопольський феросплавний завод. До речі, знакова дуже річ. Я чула, що президент сказав, що це є боротьба однієї шайки з іншою шайкою. То я хочу погодитись з президентом - це боролася шайка Пінчука з шайкою Порошенка і російського бізнесмена, який йде в пакеті з Порошенком…

Я можу сказати, що на НЗФ Пінчук практично через владу лобіював збереження цього заводу, незважаючи на об’єктивне рішення суду. Фактично, всі знали про кулуарні домовленості, які були, чому Пінчуку йдуть назустріч.

- Чи дійсно люди відчули зростання економіки?

- Я думаю, що доходи значно збільшились. Пенсії збільшились, заробітна плата зросла. Безумовно, у нас були ті комбінації, я маю на увазі спеціальні програми, з тим, що штучно піднімали ціни на цукор, штучно піднімали ціни на м'ясо. Але мені здається, що з цукром в останні тижні ми справилися. Я думаю, що по м'ясу закладені всі необхідні підвалини, щоб ціна нормалізовувалась буквально щодня.

- Відповідно до соціологічних опитувань, люди звинувачують саме уряд у підвищенні цін і на цукор, і на м'ясо, і на газ, до речі.

- Газ має стабільні поки що ціни. Весь ріст цін не з'їв все, що ми добавили людям.

Те, що стосується цукру – це була спецоперація, коли через кордони України, користуючись дефіцитом, закритим шляхом завозили великі партії цукру-сирцю, переробляли, і потім піднімали ціни такі, що люди просто не могли платити. А нам заборонили завозити і робити нормальні інтервенції.

Ми в останні тижні знайшли шлях, щоб без прийняття спеціального закону, на рівні існуючих законів спробувати переламати ситуацію. Коли ми вирішили ситуацію по цукру, вже практично завезли кораблі (бо у нас дефіцит внутрішній, хто б вам що не казав, ціна піднімається виключно через внутрішньо створений дефіцит), і почали все це робити, я отримала буквально письмове доручення від президента категорично не реалізовувати цю програму.

Це неправильно. Це просто команди навколо президента тримали його за руки, щоб він не дав можливості реалізовувати цю програму.

- Чи можете ви сказати, хто конкретно за цим стоїть?

- Я переконана, що це ті самі люди стоять. Я не хочу буквально звинувачувати в ефірі, бо я не піду зараз збирати документи, я не буду колекціонувати компромат. Тобто це було загальновідомо, що їде контрабандний цукор, за яким стоїть відома людина з своїм батьком (і, власне кажучи, батько цей мене критикував по всім каналам, коли ми почали вирішувати цю проблему).

- Які ваші прогнози по валюті?

- Я маю повний оптимізм, що в країні все буде стабільно і добре, незалежно ні від яких політичних катаклізмів. Я все буду робити, щоб стабілізувати цю ситуацію і не дати спекулювати на таких важких подіях, які відбуваються в країні.

- Хотів б повернутися до попередньої теми. Якщо факти корупції були настільки завуальовані, що так важко знайти зараз документальне підтвердження, як буде розвиватися ситуація?

- Я переконана, що те, що говорив Зінченко, і переконана в тому, що говорять інші політики, має документальні підтвердження. Є і звернення бізнесменів, які вже не витримуючи, офіційно це заявляли. Є свідчення, я думаю, що з доказами проблем не буде. Не моя справа збирати докази.

- Багато хто сподівався побачити вас без коси і з заявою, що ви йдете в опозицію, але коса залишилась. Ви ще не вирішили, куди йдете?

- Якщо говорити, що я кудись переходжу в опозицію, я хочу вам сказати, що я на відміну від багатьох політиків, не міняла своїх позицій, своєї моралі. Я не міняла свого відношення до України, тому, якщо я знаходжуся на зрозумілому для себе шляху.

Можу твердо сказати, що ми з Віктором Андрійовичем підемо на вибори паралельними шляхами. Це не значить, що це війна, це будуть дві різні команди з абсолютно різним набором. Я не піду на вибори з тими людьми, які сьогодні так дискредитували Україну. Я маю на увазі не президента, а його оточення.

- Кого конкретно ви візьмете собі в п’ятірку? На кого ви будете спиратися найближчі півроку?

- Ще зарано говорити, бо списки ще не формуються. Але можу твердо сказати, що це будуть достойні, сильні люди, які мають моральний авторитет в суспільстві.

- Як ви ставитеся до Єханурова?

- Ви знаєте, я коли йшла з Кабінету міністрів, я залишила Єханурову дуже теплу записку на столі. Я дійсно хочу побажати йому успіху, бо від нього залежить, як житиме моя країна.

- Чи є шанси, що ви будете в новому уряді?

- Я попрацюю в новому уряді, але після виборів до парламенту, які відбудуться через кілька місяців. І, я думаю, що я обов’язково буду далі будувати свою країну.

Ви знаєте, я пам’ятаю, як Віктор Андрійович, після того, як Кучма його вигнав, сказав, що "іду, щоб повернутися".

А я, шановні друзі, нікуди не йду! Я разом з вами! Я залишаюся разом з вами, і я зроблю все, щоб новий уряд, який прийде після парламентських виборів, щоб він був справді яскравим і щоб ніщо йому не заважало працювати.

- Чи будете ви в цьому уряді, який формується?

- Ні. Ми не будемо брати участь в цьому уряді.

Дивно виходить, що ми критикували Кучму, що в нього в уряді не працювали більше ніж рік. Це теж було пов’язано з ревнощами, з конкуренцією, з сумнівами, щоб його ніхто не підсидів. У нас же люди починають працювати по сім місяців. Наступний уряд, якщо він буде затверджений Верховною Радою, він має шанс працювати лише до виборів.

- Агентства повідомляли вчора з посиланням на вас, а потім на ваше оточення, що ви вважаєте, що ви тричі зраджені. Чи справді ви так думаєте?

- Я не суддя Віктору Андрійовичу. Я хочу, щоб він зараз мене почув, що я пробачаю йому, бо така велика несправедливість по відношенню до мене, це - негарний вчинок. Але я хочу, щоб він знав, що я його пробачаю і ніякого зла на нього не тримаю. Ніяких образ, ніякого важкого каменю.

Тому що я знаю, що моя дорога є світлою, і вона є абсолютно для мене зрозумілою.

- Коли з подачі президента почнуться спроби скасування політичної реформи, чи чинитиме цьому спротив ваша команда?

- Ну, власне, в питанні конституційної реформи, ви знаєте, що я дуже послідовна. Я послідовно казала, що ця реформа не є нормальною для країни, і я абсолютно не полишаю цю свою думку. Тому що вона була нелогічною, вона не є ідеальною.

Але в той час я покладала великі сподівання, що прихід президента, нової команди зможе дати країні, і без змін до Конституції, потужний імпульс. Зараз я бачу, що відбувається. І, чесно кажучи, це зараз мені щось нагадує... Все, без виключення!

Мені здається, що повертаються ті старі часи. І сьогодні потрібно просто вибирати між поганим – політичною реформою, і дуже поганим - те, що відбувається при владі. Ми будемо радитися з нашою партією, членами політбюро, з’їздом, і будемо визначатися.

- Якщо президент зараз вам запропонує компроміс, чи ви погодитеся? І яким має бути цей компроміс?

- Я думаю, що цей компроміс – це мирне співіснування на паралельних неперетинаючихся прямих. Наші курси будуть паралельними. І я переконана в тому, що кожен свій шлях пройде залежно від його якості. Його буде видно, все відбуватиметься на ваших очах.

- На основі чого буде сформована коаліція в 2006 році. Ви вже задекларували, що знову хочете стати прем’єр-міністром. На основі яких політичних сил воно буде, і чи буде там "Наша Україна"?

- Я думаю, що час все покаже. Ми підемо як окрема і досить потужна політична сила. І я думаю, що наш результат буде дуже-дуже гарним. І ми визначимося, з ким блокуватися в новому парламенті.

- Давайте повернемося до нашого опитування. Питання звучало так: "Що має далі робити Юлія Тимошенко?" Три варіанти відповіді: шукати компроміс з Віктором Ющенком – 6358 голосів, піти в опозицію - 6318, і звернутися до Майдану - 3953. Що ви скажете, два перші варіанти мають однакову кількість голосів...

- Якщо ви подивитесь на екрани, то ви побачите, що варіанти "піти в опозицію" і "звернутися до Майдану" майже однакові, їх можна складати. Тому, мені здається, що багато людей не поділяють такого нелюдського поводження зі мною і нашим урядом.

З іншого боку, шукати компроміс - це не значить іти в одній команді. Я буду шукати компроміс, який не викличе абсолютно ніяких конфронтацій. Ніяких протистоянь. Я думаю, ми будемо рухатися різними курсами, але поза межами протистояння.

- Ви казали, що не відпочивали вже сто років. Ви у відпустку не збираєтеся? Найближчі плани?

- Я пам’ятаю, що багато людей, які ідуть у відставку, перше, що вони говорять, що я хочу поспати. Я хочу, шановні друзі, сказати: я буду мінімум спати, мені не хочеться відсипатися.

Я не планую ніяких відпусток, моє завдання зробити так, щоб ні за яких обставин ви не розчарувалися у владі. Я знаю, що зараз є таке відчуття, особливо у тих, хто стояв на Майдані, що є якась дискредитація падіння того, за що ви боролись. Я хочу сказати: ви не думайте так!

Можливо, якась частина людей прапор нашої перемоги і вронила…але я хочу, щоб ви знали – я прийшла на цей ефір, і взагалі, коли я хвилююсь, у мене завжди є талісманчик - це стрічка, яка зі мною. (В руках тримає помаранчеву стрічку - УП)

Я хочу сказати, що я сьогодні не роз'єдную майдани, на яких стояли люди, на помаранчевий і блакитний. Бо це ті самі люди, яких я розумію серцем. Я хочу сказати, що я і команда, яку я очолюю, ми пронесемо те, що вкладено в цей символ, за будь-яких обставин до тієї хвилини, коли ви не пошкодуєте про жодну свою дію на Майдані, що ви там мерзли.

Але ми з вами в той час не звернули уваги, що ті люди, які стояли на блакитних майданах, вони хотіли теж саме – вони хотіли відчути зміни, що їх поважають, що вони впливають на те, що відбувається в цій країні.

І сьогодні я вперше взяла ще один талісман. Це блакитна стрічка. І ви знаєте, чого ми не помітили під час президентських виборів? Що коли ці два кольори скласти, то виходить наш національний прапор. І я б хотіла, щоб ми на нову виборчу кампанію пішли не окремими командами, не різнокольорові, а щоб ми з'єднали все краще, що було в наших кольорах, щоб ми об'єднали Україну.

Щоб можна було потужною командою прийти і побудувати країну, в якій буде і відчуття справедливості, і заможність і прекрасний розвиток виробництва та інвестицій, коли буде правосуддя, коли припиниться корупція, коли ніхто не пересуватиметься владою, щоб отримати зайві статки.

Я іду на вибори окремою командою, я очолюю всіх людей, які готові прийти до нас – і з нашої команди і інших людей, які здатні зрозуміти, що Україна – наша єдина мета, і все наше життя присвячене їм. Я хочу сказати, що я вас не зраджу! І я не іду, щоб повернутися. І я нікуди не йду, а залишаюся з вами!

- Як сприйняли, що з подачі вашого командного партнера були порушені декілька кримінальних справ, пов’язаних з вашою бізнесовою діяльністю? Чи гарантовані ви від того, що зараз вас не віддадуть Російським правохоронним органам, і рука вашого іншого колеги, командного партнера Юрія Луценка, не дрогне?

- Я, безумовно, очолю блок на вибори, обов’язково буду йти на вибори окремо. Я знаю, що, починаючи з вчорашнього дня, вже будуються цілі програми спланованих репресій проти мене. Я хочу сказати вам цікаву річ: працюючи прем’єром, міністр Луценко порушив проти мене кримінальну справу по тім же проблемам, які пов'язані з ЄЕСУ, а потім, коли з'ясував, що є рішення суду, які повністю закрили цю тему, він потім вибачався.

Але практично президент знав про це. Можу сказати інші речі, що після того, як ми прийшли до влади, закривались всі кримінальні справи. Певним керівникам силових структур, президент команди давав не закривати проти мене кримінальні справи, не завершувати ці проблеми до тих пір, поки не будуть сформовані списки, і так далі.
Мені про це говорили. Мені було дуже боляче від того. Я підходила до президента і казала, що Віктор Андрійович, це абсурд! Він казав: "Да, да, да, це абсурд". Але все це фактично залишалось відкритим.

Я думаю, що проти мене буде влаштовано травлю. Вчора, коли була відправлена у відставку, я поклала коментарі відомих політиків відносно моєї відставки. І потім ці дві стопки переглянула. І стопочка з позитивними коментарями від цих людей, які щиро сказали правду про те, як працював уряд, які результати дав, що відбувалося, і дали надзвичайно позитивні оцінили, їх було небагато. Я хочу подякувати за це. Бо люди перевіряються, коли потрібно сказати правду і тоді, коли вище керівництво не хоче цю правду бачити.

А друга стопочка – це люди, яких я багато років знаю, вони говорили, що це є боротьба кланів, наприклад, що це є таке протистояння комерційних структур.
Шановні друзі, я хочу сказати, що це є ще один тест і дивно, що така зграя чоловіків просто вже котрий рік підряд мене загризти і кудись діти мене. Ви нікуди мене не дінете. Мене захищають три речі, на які ви не впливаєте. Які б нахабні коментарі ви не давали.

Перша річ, це справжні цілі, які я маю, справжню мету, і тому мене захищає в першу чергу Господь.

Друге, я знаю, що крок за кроком народ буде вірити мені, бо кожна моя дія прозора і зрозуміла. З цим також нічого не поробити. І який би бруд ви не лили, люди набагато мудріші, ніж все те, що буде говоритись.

І третє, що мене захищає, це віра. Справжня віра в те, що почався етап очищення України. І до речі, останні свідчення цьому говорять якраз про очищення, а не про те, що щось відбувається так, як при Кучмі. При Кучмі всі мовчали. А зараз ми можемо очищатися. І тому крок за кроком Україна буде сильною і красивою.

9 вересня 2005 року.

Tymoshenko on Being Fired - Transcript in English

2005-09-09T21:46:00.000-04:00

UKRAINE'S FORMER PRIME MINISTER BREAKS UP WITH PRESIDENT

Says her dismissal was "deeply unfair"

(For Ukrainian text see Ukraiinska Pravda)

PRESS CONFERENCE: with Yuliya Tymoshenko
Inter TV, Kiev, in Ukrainian 1700 gmt 9 Sep 05
BBC Monitoring Service, UK, in English,
Fri, September 9, 2005

Ukraine's former prime minister, Yuliya Tymoshenko, whose cabinet was sacked on 8 September, has declared that she is no longer part of President Yushchenko's team and will lead her own coalition in the 2006 parliamentary election race.

Speaking in a live appearance on Inter TV on 9 September, she praised her cabinet's performance, and said its dismissal was "deeply unfair".
She blamed it on her opponents in the Yushchenko administration, accusing them of systematic corruption and sabotage of her cabinet's work. She spoke emotionally at times, but largely avoided direct attacks on the president himself, blaming his "entourage" instead. She said she would now move "on parallel paths" with the president and seek to avoid direct confrontation.

She also said her aim was to win the 2006 parliamentary election and get her job back. In an apparent U-turn, she said she might reconsider her opposition to constitutional reform that will transfer some of the president's powers to the cabinet of ministers in 2006.

The following is an excerpt from Tymoshenko's live prime-time appearance on the leading Ukrainian channel Inter TV on 9 September:

[Presenter] The guest of our programme is Yuliya Tymoshenko. Good evening.

[Tymoshenko] Good evening. [Passage omitted: pleasantries]

[Presenter] Mrs Tymoshenko, what has happened? What is the reason for your dismissal?

[Tymoshenko] In fact, I would not like to formalize this issue now. I believe I would like to talk in a bit broader context. I have come today to the people who want to hear me without any scripts, as if it was my own family, as if I am talking to my own mom, my daughter, just to tell them what happened.

I believe that when we had heated events of the election campaign, we very often communicated. You know it was at the squares at the time. Now this can be done in this way thanks to the presidential election, and we can talk calmly on TV.

PRAISES THE CABINET'S RECORD

Dear friends, I want just to begin with the following. The cabinet which was elected by you, by the people who voted for the new authorities, democracy - this was a very successful cabinet. I just want you to know that the accomplishments of this cabinet were extraordinary. I would like to name the ten biggest accomplishments, which I would like to be recorded in history, to be recorded in people's memory because these are the accomplishments of the team which I had a privilege to lead. FIRST and foremost, this is usseeing the real situation in the economy.
We have closed all, well almost all, unlawful, shadow flows. We have largely stopped smuggling, fictitious exports and on the basis of that we saw what the real figures should look like. I can tell you that all those inflated figures we removed gave us the right to see that in the first six months this year Ukraine had the dynamics of economic growth at 4 per cent. To compare, the USA posted 3.7 per cent, the EU 1.7 per cent, Poland 1.2 per cent. I want to tell you that the country is developing successfully.
There is brilliant macroeconomic culture, which the president also said, it currently exists in the state. There is nothing false. I can tell you that another thing we did, and this is very important, we have begun to create a unique investment climate in Ukraine. You should know that over 3,000 pieces of regulation have been cancelled in Ukraine, which used to complicate the work and life of businessmen.
We have done everything to ensure that everyone who comes to invest in Ukraine could find a normal investment environment. For the first time ever in Ukraine, agriculture posted a unique growth of 7 per cent. Last year there was a big slump. Now we can see this, and this is the third great success of the cabinet because the amount of credit resources, the special policy of donations have made it possible to make a step forward in our agriculture.

I believe that the FOURTH thing is that while legalizing the economy and closing all shadow schemes, we have achieved good budget indicators, which are 70 per cent higher compared to the same period last year. To make you feel what amount of money we have taken away from the shadow sector - we have taken away 22bn hryvnyas [4.4bn dollars] as of this moment.

By the end of the year there will be almost 40bn hryvnyas. This is the figure that the Ukrainian budget has never had. As a result, against the background of the economic growth, against the background of legalization we have managed to implement the social programmes which no cabinet has been able to achieve. We have implemented everything that the president promisedto those who believed in him.

We have provided excellent assistance to children. You know this is 8,500 hryvnyas [one-off payment to families with a new-born child], although we took over the budget with a 34bn-hryvnya deficit for this year. We have raised pensions by almost 21 per cent on the verage, and wages in science, culture, education by 44 per cent as of this moment. We have brilliant results in the economy.

The gross incomes of families and households increased by 43 per cent in Ukraine. I believe that this is a brilliant result. By the way, in terms of pensions, we have increased the revenue part of the pension fund without raising taxes. I want to say that this was possible just because the economy is growing and going legal.

These are thing which has Ukraine never seen. We have developed the strategy for Ukraine for the next several years. The strategy of our energy independence which is fundamentally different from what we used to have. The strategy for developing our motorways which we have begun to implement. This is clean privatization and this is our next accomplishment.
You know, this is the same as clean hands [programme] of some time ago. This is privatization which can at the expense of two or three companies yield for Ukraine 50bn hryvnyas by the end of the year.

This is transparent privatization at auctions without all those corrupt schemes behind the scene. These 50bn [hryvnyas] which we will definitely get from privatization by the end of the year, I hope it will not switch to corrupt schemes again - this money will help us to return the lost deposits in the [Soviet] state savings bank - this is what has not been settled for years because privatization was unfair. We wanted at the expense of this money to give small credits to all who want to start their own business.
We wanted to launch the colossal programme of supplying computers to almost every student with this money, and many other things which we had to do. I can say that an absolutely new outlook has been introduced to almost every industry, the new system of approaches that was absolutely far from the chaos that we inherited.

DISMISSAL

However, as usual, at least for me personally, we have been stopped at the take-off. You recall me having been sacked not by Kuchma but by his inner circle. By that time I had worked for almost a year in the cabinet [of Viktor Yushchenko under President Kuchma in 2000]. Today I have been sacked once again by the inner circle. I am confident that this has not been a strong decision by the president. It was a decision of his entourage, which had been working to make sure that I am not in the cabinet.

You understand that seven months is not enough to clear up the debris which we have inherited after the 14 years of life before our cabinet. The same is true of any human and of any cabinet. However, now I would like to tell why this happened that in the most positive period of the work of our cabinet, when we made all the main basic decisions that were about to yield a fundamental result for the public, and why this was done. I will tell.
First, just returning to your question. We and Mr Yushchenko united our teams before the presidential election and quite sincerely I walked hand in hand with the president. The president needed someone to rely on. After My Yushchenko prevailed in that difficult struggle in which all people made their heroic deeds, at that very moment we had firm and formal agreements to the effect that Mr Yushchenko would nominate myself as the prime minister.

But you remember that for a long time after the election the president named no candidacy and there was a long pause. This pause was taken because as it turned out no-one expected me as the prime minister in the presidential team. The president held lots of talks with me to step down in favour of Mr Poroshenko. He wanted me calmly to accept Poroshenko's appointment as prime minister.

To be honest I disagreed [laughs]. But at one critical moment I was confident that I would be nominated. When was the critical moment? During the presidential inauguration at the square, the whole square was chanting my name. This had a fundamental effect and I was appointed. But I can tell you that this have been was the most difficult seven months in my life. This was just day-to-day ruining of my life and work, it was the difficult and absolutely unconstructive cooperation which did not allow me to do what was needed in full.

"PARALLEL GOVERNMENT" OF POROSHENKO

I can say that instantly after my appointment another cabinet was created on the basis of the National Security and Defence Council headed by Poroshenko. Its staff was considerably increased, objectives were set which should have been the cabinet's prerogative. Poroshenko received an absolutely anticonstitutional right to give orders directly to ministers bypassing the prime minister.

The whole history of my life in the cabinet is the history of the two cabinets in existence, when ministers received orders from four or even five sources - from Poroshenko, from the president, from the secretariat, from myself and also from their party leaders. It was the ministers who were being torn apart. Obviously this is an institutional thing, but two cabinets cannot exist in Ukraine.

Apart from that there was a very interesting thing. Virtually everyone who was in touch with these two cabinets said that a firm decision was made to set up a crisis group on the basis of Poroshenko, which, first, creates crises and, second, makes everything possible to make sure that the cabinet resigns in September - compromised, almost ruined with frustrated people in this country and this was prearranged and Poroshenko had to take my seat.

As you can see the first part has taken place and in September I faced the planned and, to my mind, absolutely unfair, dismissal. But the second did not happen. Poroshenko simply ruined himself by all these events which have taken place lately.

CORRUPTION ALLEGATIONS

I would like to say another thing: virtually from the very first day the president's inner circle was put in charge of all powerful cash flows in the state. I will not name then, you know them - this is Naftohaz Ukrainy [national oil and gas company], these are the railways, this is Ukrtelekom and many other flows, which were virtually covered with specific people.
I can tell you that not only myself but the whole public felt that something went wrong in this country, that some unique model of ruining those principles and foundations with which we came in power had been enacted. Corruption began. You recall that there were reports that people felt that corruption increased two- of threefold. Everyone knew who was taking bribes, where and how.

I have to say that I came to see the president on various occasions many times and this all could be seen in documents. For instance, in terms of gas, there was and there still is - we have inherited it - a powerful, corrupt geopolitical model and at the time they simply banned me from dealing with gas, I could not do anything there and restore any sort of order there. I am firmly convinced that all the crises, I mean the petrol crisis which was developing before your own eyes - I had a firm agreement with people who produce oil products in Ukraine.

They are monopolists but we reached understanding and all of you remember that petrol and diesel prices went down. At the time, the president's inner circle simply invited these people and suggested that they do what you can see now. So can't you see what is happening to petrol now?

I want to tell you that regarding sugar - well I can begin even with meat - when it all we needed to do was one small thing - to open up all markets for real meat producers. But there were parallel orders to close, to ban, and everything good that was proposed was buried. As for sugar, each MP knew that every year a special law is adopted to import raw sugar, and those who hold rallies now almost voted for this law and for a quota.

This quota was blocked absolutely deliberately, I even have written orders banning the import of much-needed sugar and you saw what happened. But colossal efforts made it possible to slow down the prices and return to their previous level . I want to say that this all was my daily life, when I did not have a chance to implement any my project in full, because the resistance was so strong - including in parliament - that it was impossible to overcome.

LAST-MINUTE TALKS FAILED

But the latest events were simply scary. You know, till the very last, till the very last moment I hoped that Mr Yushchenko and myself would manage to find a common language. I seemed to be his most sincere partner. I wanted us to go hand by hand for another ten years, and there was no reason to ruin our relations.

But when this unique crisis broke out involving the president's inner circle - [National Security and Defence Council chief Petro] Poroshenko, [head of Our Ukraine parliamentary faction] Martynenko, [president's first aide Oleksandr] Tretyakov - it became clear that it is impossible to keep anything secret after our revolution.

It is impossible to conceal anything from people, it is impossible to conceal anything from the media. And at that time this bunch of people from the president's inner circle realized that they should save their skin. They put the president in an extremely difficult situation. They were looking for a way out. When I felt that this critical situation started to run like an avalanche, the president invited a broader circle including Poroshenko, [Deputy Prime Minister Roman] Bezsmertnyy, Martynenko and other people, and there I heard things which simply scared me.

It turned out that this team gathered to voice their complaints against me, to formalize them and to tell that it is their decision to dismisseveryone - Poroshenko, Tretyakov, the cabinet and in doing so to put an end to the scandal which took place. I heard things which I think will remain in my head for the rest of my life. Martynenko took the floor and said that I am implementing a special project against the president and that [president's former chief of staff Oleksandr] Zinchenko is my programme to ruin the authority of the president.

You know how indecent these people are. They do not understand that Zinchenko, who has been through a colossal stage in his life, you know that he was on the verge of death, that this man managed to raise himself over all these petty squabbles, over all this filth over insincerity and the courage of this man cannot be someone's programme, project or someone's terrible idea or conspiracy. I should say that they simply do not understand that a man like Oleksandr Zinchenko will not tolerate this and that this is not Tymoshenko's special project.

Then the president took the floor and said that he is absolutely indignant that I personally created such a situation in the state that in the media the president looks weak and incapable of running things, while the prime minister seems strong, efficient, and that he would never allow this to continue. He said that there are other countries, Russia and Belarus. He said: look at Putin or Lukashenka, they have brilliant prime ministers. No-one ever sees them on TV.

The second serious claim against me was that I should not head the cabinet in a manner that I give my public results of the cabinet's performance, but everything that is happening in the cabinet should be simply passed on to the presidential administration and then after the president announces this, simply do my routine job.

Dear friends, I am saying honestly that all this was the ruining of my hope. No claim was raised against me that I failed to do something in the economy or in the social sector because the president is a good economist and a good financier and he knows better that anyone else what has been done in this country. By the way, the president told this at Maydan when we marked Independence Day.

Then they told me that I had failed to come to terms with the president's inner circle, with his team, that I should have done so. And after this I tried to prove that this was absurd, that the president's fears that I will stand in the election separately were absurd. I want to work in a team, I want to be close, I want to be a supporter of the president. By the way, nothing has changed for me.

I do not want these people to be frustrated, their hearts broken, their families separated if one is for Yushchenko and another for Tymoshenko. For this reason I told the president that we should put this aside because I do not have to come to terms with the team, I have to have the president who lends me a hand, and this should be the hand of a friend.

Three days and half a night of these talks and after that, I think this is a key point, I was presented with a very clear set of conditions. The first condition is that I have to extend my hand not the president but to his team - Poroshenko, Martynenko, Tretyakov, Bezsmertnyy, that I should give them a hand. By how could I extend my hand to them if their hands are constantly busy stealing something?

By the way, this idea to sack everyone at the same time, the cabinet and those who were suspected of corruption, this idea came from Roman Petrovych Bezsmertnyy. I can says that this was a unique, destructive idea. I have just remembered how Roman Bezsmertnyy proposed this territorial reform and travelled to his native village to present it, and he almost got beaten up just for proposing it in his native village, he barely escaped from there.

Such experiments must not be made in the country. That is why I told the president that instead of shaking the hands of his entourage, I was ready to shake his hand personally, and to be by his side under any circumstances in any moment.

The second condition, which was set clearly, was that I had to close my door for the people who did a lot to help me work, to help the government work and to help the country work. I was presented with a condition that I could not have any political agreements on forming election teams with the Reforms and Order Party, the Ukrainian People's Party led by Yuriy Kostenko and that I had to publicly support Poroshenko, Tretyakov and Martynenko, to say that they were honest and moral people who had been slandered. At the same time, I had to publicly condemn Oleksandr Zinchenko and I could not include him into my bloc's election list under any circumstances.

Another condition was that I sign decrees to dismiss those cabinet members who supported me in that difficult situation of a two-chamber cabinet, so to speak. These people supported me, helped me, they tried to protect me from all those splits in the government. I was supposed to sign decrees dismissing those people.

The main thing was that I had to agree to the dismissal of Oleksandr Turchynov from the Security Service of Ukraine [SBU]. I understand that it was discomforting to have the prime minister on one side and the head of the SBU on the other side, we could see everything clearly, everything bad that was happening in the country - corruption, abuse and illegal lobbying. Of course, this tandem did not suit the president's entourage.
I can say that 90 per cent of these conditions were communicated by the so-called team, who demanded that I do it immediately.

In addition, in the joint election list for the parliamentary election, two thirds had to be given to the president's team and one third was to be given to our party. By the way, I was not against this. A coalition agreement and a joint election bloc - I welcomed this, it was the only way to resolve the situation.

However, honestly, I was somewhat psychologically shaken by this formal proposal. I asked the president whether it was possible to sack those who were suspected of corruption. Whether we could at least suspend them from their posts and later decide on their fate after the investigation.
But Viktor Andriyovych said no, he could not do it, because they were his team and they would feel that it was unfair that they were sacked and I stayed on. This would offset the balance. I want to ask, what kind of balance can exist between the people who are suspected of corruption and those who are not? Sack them all together?

I understood that I had to think about those conditions and I did not sign any decrees that night. I simply came to my team, I gathered everyone who would be affected by those conditions set by the president. I gathered those people because I could not just stab them in the back and do the things I could not do. I gathered them and sought their advice on the situation. We exchanged ideas on what to do and how to behave in this case.

I can say that they did not protest against their dismissals or anything at all. But the main thing was that I just could not do it. I could not do it because my seat means nothing to me. Hundreds of times I just wanted to drop it all, because it was torture to work under these conditions.
But I thought that I could not drop it, because it was not some officials who appointed me to this post. I was appointed by the people who trusted me, who stood in the squares and who voted for the president. I simply could not abandon it, because it would mean betrayal, it would be like deserting from the battlefield, from the barricades.

YUSHCHENKO "DESTROYED UNITY"

I could not do it by myself. So in the morning I spoke with the president by phone and I told him that I would not be able to accept those conditions, because I would not be able to look in the mirror in the morning, I would want to spit at the mirror. I would always remember those whom I betrayed to keep this seat, which was not worth much in tactical terms.
I asked the president to meet one more time and to try to find an option that would not ruin the morals of our relations. I came to the president and we talked for 20 minutes before his fateful live TV appearance when he dismissed the cabinet. I sat next to him, I took his hand in my hand and said: "Viktor Andriyovych, I am asking you, and I am struggling to find the right words, but don't ruin people's hopes, don't ruin the authority of our revolution, don't ruin the people's hope for morality, honesty and justice.
Let us walk out to the cameras hand in hand, together, look at the cameras and say that as long as we are together, stability in Ukraine is guaranteed."
At some moment I thought the president hesitated but you know, fate will always be fate. At that moment Poroshenko stormed into the president's office, without invitation, without knocking. He was covered, excuse me, in tears and snot, and he started yelling that he had just been stripped of his parliament seat and that the decision had been backed by the Yuliya Tymoshenko Bloc, that they were traitors who literally removed him from parliament. It looked comical, honestly.

So the president looked, stood up, turned his back to me and said that the conversation was over. He went on, having practically destroyed our unity, our future and the future of our country. I would like to say that I consider this step absolutely illogical. [Passage omitted: correspondent's background report on the cabinet crisis, commercial break]

BLAMES DISMISSAL ON PRESIDENT'S ENTOURAGE

[Presenter] We are back. You are watching "Podrobnosti". I remind you that our guest today is Yuliya Tymoshenko. Back to our questions. Yuliya Volodymyrivna, I would like to ask you a question put by one of our TV viewers. Halyna Fomicheva from Zhytomyr asks - Who specifically do you think ordered the government's dismissal and who could benefit from it?

[Tymoshenko] First, I read the press and it says that the president took a bold step by sacking the government. I would like to tell you right away that the president did not sack the government. The president was merely held hostage to the ultimatum made by his closest entourage, who demanded that the government must be sacked.

What are the reasons for that? Why was the ultimatum made? Reason number ONE. It is their personal fear for their personal future if public trust in me grows in society.

Reason number TWO. They could not go ahead with all their corruption schemes when I and [sacked Security Service of Ukraine head Oleksandr] Turchynov were in office, watching every step they made and practically catching them red-handed. They felt that they simply could not leave the country's potential and financial flows untapped.

And reason number THREE, which the president himself could have borne in mind, is to drown the corruption scandal involving the president's entourage in a more loud scandal. Why did they need it to happen now? As regards the first two reasons, they would have found a different time to sack the government.

But why did it happen now and why was it so illogical, where some people are accused of corruption while others are held responsible? A scandal over the government's dismissal was needed to drown out corruption by the president's inner circle in the media space and in the world - simply to shift the blame.

I have a pile of clippings from the world media. Just picture all the newspapers and the news ticker tape. What do I read there? No-one recalls Poroshenko or Martynenko. They say the government was sacked in the context of a corruption scandal in the president's team. So, I would like to say to you that this was the main aim - to shift the blame to the government.

But I can say that I as prime minister worked so honestly and so logically that every person working alongside of me knew for sure that corruption is unacceptable to me under any circumstances.

[Presenter] You keep saying they. Could you name some names?

[Tymoshenko] Yes, of course. First of all, this is Poroshenko. This is Tretyakov, who has virtually become a bottleneck blocking access to the president, who shaped his opinion and who imposed negative assessments [on the president] every day. Undoubtedly, this is [Deputy Prime Minister] Roman Bezsmertnyy, who was the ideologue behind this Jesuitical model of how to cut this knot and this shame. This is Martynenko, and another five or six people.

[Presenter] Very briefly.

[Tymoshenko] I just don't want to go any further. I think everyone knows them.

TYMOSHENKO, YUSHCHENKO TO PART COMPANY

[Presenter] Oleh Kurdyukov from Bohuslav asks whether you think that the government's dismissal means a split in President Yushchenko's team? Is this a split?

[Tymoshenko] The thing is that the president and I were a team. I would say that the main thing we had, unity, has been ruined by the president's entourage. I am very sorry that the president succumbed to such advice. I am very sorry indeed. That is why at the moment we are undoubtedly two different teams.

And I think that these two different teams will go different ways. I think that if such developments occur again - [changes tack] I think that the president's entourage, Poroshenko and Tretyakov, will not disappear into thin air.

Don't be fooled by thinking that if Poroshenko has resigned and Tretyakov has been suspended - [changes tack] Regardless of whether Tretyakov is sacked or not, whether Poroshenko is sacked or stays on, they are the president's team, they are the closest people to him.

They are the people he trusts. They are the people he works with as one team. Therefore, I would like to say that they will remain alongside of him. These people will be there. Therefore, I think we should part our ways, but undoubtedly without war, without war.

"DEEPEST TRAUMA"

[Presenter] Did the president propose that you form a new government? Did you refuse?

[Tymoshenko, laughing] Today I was very surprised to hear, I think it was Oleh Rybachuk, the president's new state secretary, that after the dismissal the president supposedly proposed that I should head up and form a new government. This is not true, to put it mildly. Nobody offered me anything. Nobody held any talks with me about forming a new coalition government after the dismissal.

Once again I want to recall those last minutes before the president left for that pivotal, historic news conference. To the very last minute, I tried my best to make sure that our unity was not ruined, that the ideals of the Orange Revolution were nor devalued, that our orange colour did not turn bleak. This is tremendous pain for me [sighs]. I just want to say that - my friends tell me I look very optimistic - that to me this may have been the deepest moral trauma in my whole lifetime. Because competence or incompetence are not at issue here. By the way, another curious detail.
You know that an economic forum in Poland conferred on me the title of the person of the year in Central and Eastern Europe for achievements in economic reforms and reform of all state systems. I found this a great honour of course.

But just before I left for this interview, I checked the Internet. Just imagine in what state I came here. When I checked the Internet, I sawreports coming from Poland that at the personal request of the Ukrainian president I was stripped of that award, which had already been announced.

[Presenter] Have you had a chance to check whether this is true?

[Tymoshenko] No, just before coming here, I saw this in the Internet. That the award was allegedly given to another politician of the year. I would like to say that such trifles are very hard to live with.

[Passage omitted: Presenter invites journalists in another studio to ask questions.]

[Male journalist] Yuliya Volodymyrivna, how would you answer the question put by Inter to its viewers.

[Tymoshenko] Are you talking about the interactive poll [asking what Tymoshenko should do now]? You know, dear friends, frankly, I am happy that you came up with this interactive poll because I really need advice now and I would like to perceive this interactive poll as a council with you, an assembly with everyone who is now listening to me. I care about everything that may happen to this country.

I want no chaos in this country. I want peace, accord and calm in this country. It is very true that when I was leaving Yekhanurov's office - the office of the prime minister now - I left him a note on the desk that with all my heart I wished him success, good luck and happiness in his work.
So, depending on what you advise me to do, I will make up my mind at the next meeting of the political council [presumably, of her Fatherland party]. But I think that we will find a model that will not dash your hopes.
[Passage omitted: technical exchange between the presenter and the studio]

ATTEMPTS TO SALVAGE UNITY

[Male journalist] Svyatoslav Tseholko, 5 Kanal. Yuliya Volodymyrivna. Why did the corruption scandal erupt in September, not earlier? You said you were aware of this happening even earlier.

[Female presenter in the studio] I would like to add a question from viewers. If you knew so much about corruption in the president's inner circle, why didn't you raise this issue before? That's a question from Yevhen Urcharov, Kiev.

[Tymoshenko] I think the reason is obvious. Until the very last moment I hoped - and by the way, I still hope - that the president would deal with the outrage taking place in his team, that the president would manage to overcome this. I simply had no right - understanding that the president has a chance of overcoming this - to ruin our unity in public. I wanted to make things right.

I asked the president to sack the people who are getting in the way of this country's life and work and who are ruining his authorities. I hoped that it was time to get rid of those people. That is why I tried to maintain our unity at any cost, I tried to save the Ukrainian people from disappointment. That is why I behaved this way.

INTERFERENCE BY POROSHENKO

[Female presenter] Another question from my colleagues please. Maryna Soroka.

[Female journalist] Is it true that you once signed a secret instruction for central bodies of power to notify you of information requests from the National Security and Defence Council and the presidential secretariat. Have you analysed the reports? Who collected what information and about whom? Thanks.

[Tymoshenko] Certainly, this document exists, and it is not secret at all. It's just when Petro Oleksiyovych [Poroshenko] came to the National Security and Defence Council, he assumed the role of prime minister and started issuing a large quantity of totally unbalanced instructions and inquiries to Ukrainian ministers.

Then I gathered the government and said - dear friends, the government should not be plunged into such imbalance. The government's work should not be undermined in such a way.

That is why I said I would send an instruction to each minister to collect all the rubbish they were getting and to forward it to me so that I could be responsible for how well Petro Oleksiyovych Poroshenko was informed and so that the government could act as a single team and so that it did not get all kinds of instructions all the time.

So, this was an absolutely open instruction. It was not secret at all.

[Female journalist] What was Poroshenko looking for? Did he find the information he was looking for? What was he looking for when he requested additional information? Was it information about you or your associates?

[Tymoshenko] Well, actually, Petro Oleksiyovych wanted to run the government and to get feedback. He wanted to issue instructions and to receive reports in response. I think he succeeded only partially, and only unofficially, for instance, by directing certain ministers - certain, I should emphasize - in one-to-one conversations.

PROOF OF CORRUPTION

[Female presenter] We have another question. Volodymyr Aryev.
[Male journalist] Volodymyr Aryev, "No-go Area" [TV programme]. Yuliya Volodymyrivna, have you as prime minister gathered material that could prove corruption by Poroshenko, Martynenko and Tretyakov so that we could finally see the facts of corruption that Oleksandr Zinchenko and Mykola Tomenko talked about?

[Tymoshenko] Actually, such things exist on two planes. The first plane is kind of semi-official, where seemingly normal instructions are issued, but there are serious, well-planned actions are behind them - I mean undisguised lobbying. I honestly forwarded all this to the Prosecutor-General's Office and the SBU [Security Service of Ukraine] and I can say that I acted this way with regard to all signals.

This is one plane because I am not an investigative body or a security agency. I cannot keep an eye on Petro Oleksiyovych Poroshenko all the time - I have better things to do - not to mention his team. I simply worked a lot, I had no time to follow his shenanigans.

On the other hand, there are things that look public enough, but it is simply impossible to catch one in the act of doing them. When some businessmen complain of being forced to sell their stakes, for example, when they complain of being forced to give up part of their dividends, when such serious things happen as the Nikopol ferroalloys plant [conflict] - by the way, a very telling thing - [change] I heard the president say that this is a fight between two gangs. I agree with the president.

This was the gang of [tycoon Viktor] Pinchuk fighting the gang of Poroshenko and a Russian businessman, who was in the same package with Poroshenko. I can just say that when Pinchuk hung out there at the Nikopol ferroalloys plant, using the authorities for lobbying purposes to hold on to the plant despite a legitimate court ruling - that was when such things surfaced. Everyone knew about the backroom deals that were struck - why Pinchuk was being met half-way.

[Passage omitted: Presenter announces preliminary results of interactive poll, correspondent's report about government performance; video report about the political crisis; Tymoshenko says living standards have increased in Ukraine during her tenure; says her government was doing its best to keep food prices down; comments on rising sugar prices]

ACCUSES OPPONENTS OF SABOTAGE

[Tymoshenko] The government was prohibited from carrying out interventions on the sugar market. Over the past week we found a way to bypass the need for new legislation and use existing laws to alleviate the crisis. But just when we had almost solved the sugar crisis, when we had brought in ships wish sugar - because no matter what they say, we are having sugar shortages, and the prices were rising due to artificially created shortages - as soon as we started addressing the situation, I received a written instruction from the president categorically forbidding us to implement that programme. That was wrong. The president's team were putting pressure on him to prevent us from doing our job.

[Presenter] You said that the sugar crisis was a special operation. Who was behind it, can you give us names?

[Tymoshenko] It's the same old people. I don't want to make accusations on the air. We all saw the sugar crisis unfold. And now I am not going to spend time collecting documents - who is going to let me have those documents now? I am not going to collect compromising materials. It was in the public domain, that sugar was being brought in as contraband, and a well-known person together with his father was behind it. And the father of this well-known person was criticizing me on all TV channels when we started solving this problem.

[Passage omitted: presenter comments on volatility on the hryvnya following the government's sacking; video report on falling hryvnya exchange rate in exchange booths.]

PROMISES ECONOMIC STABILITY

[Presenter] Can Ukrainians expect that the hryvnya exchange rate will remain broadly stable?

[Tymoshenko] I am absolutely optimistic that everything will be well in this country, regardless of the political crisis. I will do everything I can to stabilize the situation and prevent some people from taking advantage of those difficult events in the country. [Passage omitted: presenter comments on the situation in the country, video of Yushchenko commenting; interactive poll results]

[Journalist Larysa Hubyna] We'd like to come back to the previous topic. Mrs Tymoshenko, if the facts of corruption were so well disguised that it is so hard now to find documentary proof to them, how will the situation unfold? How will those facts be proven?

[Tymoshenko] I am confident that what Oleksandr Zinchenko said and what other politicians said does have documentary proof. I think there are complaints by businessmen who have made official statements. There isevidence. I think there will be no problem with the evidence. But it is not my job to collect evidence.

[Journalist Viktor Shlinchak] Good evening, Mrs Tymoshenko. A lot of people hoped to see you without your braid [Tymoshenko laughing] and with a statement that you are going into opposition. Judging by the fact that you are still wearing the braid, you are still undecided. Please tell us under what circumstances you will go into opposition. And if you don't go into opposition, how will your run for parliament?

You said you would be on a parallel path with the president. Is a single election bloc of the forces that were together with Yushchenko during the previous election still possible at the next election?

NOT TO BACK YUSHCHENKO DURING ELECTION

[Tymoshenko] As to whether I will go into opposition, I would like to say that unlike many other politicians who have changed after the revolution, I have not changed my policies, my views, my morals. I have not changed my attitude to Ukraine. So if someone has changed, they should go into opposition, not me. I am on the right and clear path.

I can firmly say that Viktor Yushchenko and I will go to the election by parallel paths. It does not mean we are at war. But we have two different teams, two very different sets of people. Our teams are different, and I will not go to the elections together with the people who have so discredited Ukraine. I do not mean the president, I mean his entourage.

[Shlinchak] Who will be in the Top 5 of your election list? Who will be the basis of your team in the next six months?

[Tymoshenko] I think it is too early to speak about this because the party lists are not yet being put together. But I can firmly say that it will be worthy people, strong people, people who have moral credibility and authority.

[Passage omitted: journalist Hubyna says many questions are coming in from callers]

PREDICTS SMEAR CAMPAIGN

[Journalist Serhiy Rakhmanin] We were deeply impressed by your statement that you were a single team with the president but now you are not, as I understand. So what do you think about the fact that on the initiative of your team partner, several criminal cases linked to your business activity have been resurrected? And my second question is, can you be sure that after all this you will not be extradited to Russia and your other colleague, [Interior Minister] Yuriy Lutsenko, will have no qualms about it?

[Tymoshenko] Very good question, honestly. I will certainly lead an election bloc and I will lead my own team. I know that staring from yesterday they have been working on a campaign of persecution against me. I want to say one interesting thing to you. Interior Minister Lutsenko has already filed a criminal case against me, actually, when I was still prime minister.

It is in connection with the United Energy Systems [gas distribution company Tymoshenko chaired in the early 1990s]. And later, when he found out that there are court rulings absolutely exonerating me he apologized. But the president in fact knew about it.

I can even tell you another thing. After we came to power, all those criminal cases were dropped. But the president gave an order to some heads of law-enforcement agencies not to close the criminal cases against me and not to settle this issue until election lists [for the parliamentary election] are formed. I was of course told about it. I had no doubts about it. So it hurt a lot. I told the president is was absurd. He agreed with me, but nothing changed.

I think that there will be a real smear campaign against me. Yesterday, when I was sacked, I collected comments by well-known politicians about my dismissal. And the positive comments from people who honestly told the truth about how the cabinet had performed, those very positive comments, there was not a lot of them.

But some very famous politicians - and I actually want to thank them, because this is how people are tested, when truth must be told and the top leadership does not want to hear this truth - so these people I have known for many years were saying this was merely a struggle between two clans, or that it was just a war of commercial structures.

Dear friends, this is yet another test. I am very surprised that this pack of men have for many years, for eight or nine years, are dreaming about ripping me apart and getting rid of me somehow. I want to say to you, dear men, you will not get rid of me. It is not you who are protecting me.
Three things are protecting me, and I want you to know it. You have no control over these three things, no matter how arrogant your comments are. The first thing is the true goal I have - it is a good goal, and the Lord protects me. The second thing, I know that day after day people will believe me more and support me more, because my every deed is transparent and understandable. You cannot do anything about it.

No matter how much dirt your pour on me, people are much wiser than you think. And the third thing that protects me is my faith that the era of Ukraine's cleansing has already begun, and what is happening now is evidence to that. It is not like it was under [former President] Kuchma - under Kuchma everyone kept silent. Now we can clean up, and step after step my faith will become true, and Ukraine will change, it will become strong and beautiful.

[Passage omitted: presenter comments on promise by new presidential chief of staff that the new administration will not lobby private business interests; news reports on the crisis]

AIMS TO GET JOB BACK AFTER ELECTION

[Presenter] Mrs Tymoshenko, I know that you have wished good luck to [caretaker premier] Yuriy Yekhanurov. Do you think parliament will support his candidacy?

[Tymoshenko] Yes, I left a very warm note for him on the table when I left my office. I truly wish him well because my country's wellbeing depends on how well he does.

[Presenter] Svitlana Yakovenko from Kiev asks whether you want to work in the new cabinet.

[Tymoshenko] Of course I will work in the new government, but after the parliamentary election in a few months' time. I am sure that I will get a chance to continue building my country. You know, I remember that when Kuchma fired Viktor Yushchenko, Yushchenko came out [of parliament building] and said, I am leaving to come back.

Well, I am not even leaving anywhere, dear friends. I am still with you, and I will keep working to make sure that the new government that will come after the parliamentary elections, and not a lot of time it left till then, I will make sure that this government is how it should be, that nothing stops it.

[Presenter] How about the cabinet being formed now? Is you party going to take part?

[Tymoshenko] No, we are not going to take part in the formation of those cabinets. You see, we criticized Kuchma over the fact that his cabinets never stayed in office for much more than a year. This was because of jealousy, competition, doubts - he did not want anyone to become a competitor for him. But under the new government, the cabinet has survived for just seven months. The next cabinet, if it is approved by parliament, will only work until the election, in the best case scenario. [Passage omitted: presenter hands over to the panel of journalists]

FORGIVES YUSHCHENKO

[Journalist Viktor Shlinchak] Mrs Tymoshenko, yesterday morning agencies quoted first you and then you party members as saying that you had thrice been betrayed - first when Yushchenko did not support you when you were deputy prime minister [in Yushchenko's cabinet under President Kuchma], second when he signed the statement of three [criticizing anti-Kuchma movement in which Tymoshenko took part after her dismissal in 2001] and the third time now [that he has sacked you]. Do you really believe that Yushchenko has betrayed you?

[Tymoshenko] I am not going to judge Viktor Yushchenko. And I just want him to hear this now: I forgive him. Committing this great injustice against me is not a good thing to do, of course. But I want him to know that I forgive him and I bear no grudge against him because I know that my path is light and clear to me.

U-TURN ON CONSTITUTIONAL REFORM

[Journalist on the panel] Mrs Tymoshenko, when, on the president's initiative, attempts will start to abolish the political reform [bill thattransfers much of the president's powers to the cabinet of ministers and that is due to take effect on 1 January 2006], will you and your party try to prevent this?

[Tymoshenko] You know that I have always been very clear on this, I have always said that this reform is not a good thing for Ukraine. I remain on this position, because this reform is illogical, it is not ideal. Back at that time I really hoped that the arrival of the new president, of the new team will be able to give the country a new impetus without changes to the constitution.

Now I just see what is happening, and to be honest, all of this reminds me of the old days which it seems are returning now. So we just have to choose now between the bad - the constitutional reform - and the very bad, the things that are now happening under this administration. So we will think about it, and our party will define its position on this.

[Journalist on the panel] If the president offers you some compromise now, will you accept? What kind of compromise should it be? It's a question from our caller, Maryna Kobzar from Boryspil.

FUTURE COALITION

[Tymoshenko] I think this compromise could be peaceful coexistence on parallel paths. Our paths will be parallel, and I am sure that everyone will take this path. Everything is still ahead of us, and everything will be happening right in front of you.

[Journalist Svyatoslav Tseholko] Mrs Tymoshenko, how will the new coalition be formed in 2006 if you have already declared that you want to become prime minister once again? Which political forces will take part in the coalition? Will [Yushchenko's] Our Ukraine be among them?

[Tymoshenko] Time will tell. We will take part in the election as a separate and very powerful political force, and I think the result we will obtain will be very good. Then we will decide who to form a coalition with in the new parliament, and on what principles. [Passage omitted: interactive poll results]

[Tymoshenko] Many people really do not approve of such inhumane treatment of me personally and of my cabinet. But on the other hand, seeking compromise does not necessarily mean being in the same team. I will be seeking compromise that will preclude confrontation. I think we [Tymoshenko and Yushchenko] will be moving on different paths but without active confrontation.

WOOS YUSHCHENKO'S OPPONENTS

[Presenter] Mrs Tymoshenko, you have repeatedly said that you haven't been on vacation for ages. Are you now going to go on vacation? We already know what you are going to do after the election, but what about now?

[Tymoshenko] A lot of people, when they resign, the first thing they say is that they want to have a sleep. Well I don't want to sleep, and I do not plan to go on vacation. My task is that under no circumstances you are disappointed in the government. I know that many people, especially those who were protesting on Independence Square [during the Orange Revolution], they feel that the idea they fought for has been discredited. I want to tell you, please don't feel that way. Some people may have let the flag of our victory fall down. But I want you to know this. When I was going to this studio, and generally when in a difficult situation, I always have this little ribbon for luck with me [showing an orange ribbon]. I want to tell you now that I do not divide people into Orange [Yushchenko supports] and Blue [backers of Yushchenko's opponent Viktor Yanukovych in the 2004 presidential election]. Because I now understand all those people with my heart.

Me and the team I lead, we will make sure you do not regret freezing on the squares. But what we didn't realize at the time is that the ordinary people who were freezing on the squares for the Blue camp, they wanted the same thing. They wanted change, they wanted respect, they wanted a say in what is happening in the country. So I have in this studio, for the first time, both ribbons, orange and blue. [Showing two ribbons.]
What we haven't noticed is that if we put these two colours together, we get our national flag [blue and yellow]. And I do not want us to go to the election campaign as separate teams, under separate colours. I want us to combine the best we have in our colours.

I want us to unite Ukraine, so that as a single powerful team that has not betrayed its moral values we could come and build Ukraine in which there is justice, prosperity, economic growth, investment and everything we are dreaming about.

A Ukraine with a proper justice system, without corruption, where no-one uses power to enrich themselves. I want you to hear this: I am going to the election as the leader of my own team. I will lead all those people who are ready to join us, both from our team and everyone who feels that Ukraine is our only goal, and all our life is devoted to Ukraine.

I want you to know that I will not betray you. And I am not leaving to come back. I am not leaving at all. I am still with you, and I will always be with you. [Passage omitted: presenter signs off, invites Tymoshenko's opponents to respond]

Tymoshenko's Nightmare

2005-07-18T15:56:00.000-04:00

Her new son-in-law...

Rough Transcript and Translation of Yuschenko/Yanukovych Debate - Chronological

2004-12-20T14:01:00.000-05:00

Yuschenko - Yanukovych Debate Underway
Rough transcipt/translation during debate

Yuschenko - orange tie
Yanukovych - blue tie

19:00
Yuschenko greets the nation with beginning of New Years holidays and St Nicholas holiday.
The nation has fought for freedom this year. And he is sure that St Nicholas gave everyone the gift that they wished for.
Why are these 2 guys debating again? There is one reason to bring us here. Because more then 3 million votes were stolen by my opponent. That is why all those people came out on the street. It's not only that after 20:00 in Donestk false votes were made. As a result of the people's efforts, the gov't was thrown out. CVK out. Head of National bank out.People want freedom.People don't want to live in the closed company of Yanukovych, kuchma, medvechuk

Yanukovych speaks in Russian.
I want to briefly address the issues. For the all of us. at the end of the soviet union had alot of problems.

Yanuk calls the orange revolution an "orange putsch" which was illegal.

Yusch question: You are the representative of the authorities. The whole country was covered with your billboards that you'll make the country better. But the budget you prepared can't support your promises . Are your mistakes the mistakes of unprofessionalism or fooling the people?

Yanuk - You're the authorities representative. More than half the people voted for me. Some people voted for you. Regarding the budget - my gov't did its job and people got higher wages. And people know this and that's why I got such great support from the people in their votes. People have gotten their pensions and are used to them. But if you're elected you won't pay out the pensions. We will pay out the pensions because I know what it is to be poor and won't permit it.

During the election campaign there were alot of "NGO's" that supposedly supported "democratic" elections. But they got lots of foreign money. Don't you agree with me that foreign gov'ts shouldn't interfere.

Yusch - I have never taken anything that is not mine. I am honest and when you claim that the orange rev was financed by other it is an insult to those people who were on the maidan.

It is time that a Ukrainian president was not chosen in Moscow. The nation should choose its president. Not some foreign gov'ts.

Yusch - You did not answer my question about the budget. The country cannot continue in a deficet budget.

Yanuk - (russian) You live in abstract numbers. the economy happens in real life. Real salaries have grown.
We can today can see that there can be a split in ukraine. The unfairness of the election law... and illegally and unconstitutionally invalids etc are excluded form the elections.

Yuschenko - What were the methods of falsifications on the 21 nov. How many from Donetsk were brought to other oblasts to vote for you. Now stay in your own oblast and falsify as much as you can. Invalids will be able to vote under the new law. Now election commisions will be fair. Before you had 5 in commissions and I had only 1.

You now raised the issue of corruption. I think that it is problem #1. The vlada is most corrupt. How do you explain that factories are sold to president's family for unfair price.

Yanuk (russian) - Now there is great unease about how people are to live in the future. I repeat that there is a real economy. We have to discuss between us to find compromises and after the elections. The one who wins must have a forum of national reconciliation.The orange putsch brought fear to people. How can you throw Odesa into the ocean? Be a man Viktor we must speak. I beg you, don't bring out the people and respect the law. Don't break it.

Yanuk - Viktor Andreyevych, after the elections will you recognize my victory, if i win. I will recognize you.

Yusch - you don't answer my questions. Now to answer you. Why is the country without a president now? Because of your falsifcations. Because there was a computer server that received the election results in the presidential administration before the CVK and then falsified it. Political reform is supported by my fratcion. But what is going on is not reform but Kuchma's and Medvechuks adveturism.

Question: It is strange to listen to your terminology. The problem in Ukraine is not lack of resources, of talent. The real problem is that we have a criminal gov't and no one will invest in the criminal regime of Kuchma Medvechuk, Yanukovuch. Are you ready to look into the eyes of the nation and apologize for calling them names, kozlu etc

Yanuk - I called traitors kozly. It is a biblical term. And when the maidan was offending me, and I said that when they said I was a wolf, I said that I honor wolves. And then they started to offend my wife, it pained meand made me emotionsl. I forgave all of the offenses against me. I said that in church in front of an icon. And I also said that I want forgiveness for that which I said in an emotional state.

Yanuk - I ask you can we get together and calmly discuss what is to be done. We need to get together. We must get together before and after the elections. Danger of split. After the elections we must have a joint forum.

Yusch - first of all, we must remember that Ukraine is one. That its wholeness is sacred. Let us not play games with Ukraine. It is indivisible. No one can divide her. There is no reason to say that Ukraine is divided by language, religion, pull towards east, west.
My team is always open to discussion. When will we see Donetsk open. And when will it not be run by thugs, skin heads, who sent in drunk youth to break up my conference there. We should go together to Donetsk, Luhansk and meet the people together. Go to Lviv, Frankivsk.

You keep saying that you are in opposition.Who are you in opposition to? Kuchma? The deputy prime minister who you apointed. Medvechuk who supports you?

Yanuk - I am in opposition to those on our land who will tell us how to live. I am in opposition to putsches, illegality. Kuchma and you too knew what was being planned on the streets after the election. I am against your teaching the Ukrainian nation how to live. The Ukrainian nation has lived long on this land and knows how to live. After the election I said that we should follow the law. We know that the decisions of the Supreme Court, the Verkhovna RAda were political.

If you think that if you win you will become president of Ukraine, you are mistaken. You will become president of only part of Ukraine.

question: Tell me is it acceptable in our country to break the constitution. I ask you once agiain to sit at the table and discuss.

Yusch - I really want to to understand this. But you still don't hear me. Once again: You stole 3 million votes. This is a great offense and the whole world said this. That only thieves steal. The VR said that the election happened illegally. You claim that you are religious. You know that is a crime and a sin to steal factories, votes. You know that after 20:00 in donetsk they added 1/2 million votes. You could have said something, that it is wrong. But you didn't.
No one is disenfranchised by the new law. The law supports people, invalids right to vote. Invalids of the First category - urns brought to them. Second category invalids, commissions bring them by car to polling place.

Question: About the procurator office, only people from Donetsk have an opportunity to appointed. During your term, no major crime has been solved. Gia Gongadze's mother just asks to return her son's body.What is your position regarding all this?

Yanuk - Don't forget that you are not insulting me you are insulting those who supported me. All you talk about is Donetsk. I hoped that I will not be blaming you for how you worked as head of the national bank and prime minister, that you have to explain yourself before God. You can't accept criticism, you talk about falsification, but we know that there were falsifications in western Ukraine. When you talk about stolen votes, you must say that there were votes stolen on both sides.
Yes, Putin supported me. But Foreigners supported you. America supported you.

............Yanukovych spoke longer - how is it to handled................

Yusch - I am an honorable man. I have never been found guilty of a crime. And if you beleive that in ternopil there was fraud, why didn't you go to court. We know that 3 million votes were stolen. That's why the people came out onto the street. They were angry that their rights were taken away.
You say that you follow in the steps of Chornovil, but I don't understand which one, Vycheslav or Taras?
You talk about freedom of speech. But lets look at your oblast. You have turned off 5 Kanal, Era, 1+1. Soon only will be TRK in all of Ukraine, because it is yours.
Also you say that the Supreme court was wrong, is it lying or are you?

Yanuk: You know that in western Ukraine, all admin resource worked for you.

Yusch - what admin resource. its all yours.

Yanuk: Look at western Ukraine that offensive posters are hung all over, on churches, etc. That is your democracy. God will be you judge. You know very well how I grew up. You know that I was unfairly judged.

Yusch: You must tell the truth.Why is 5kanal not working in donetsk, Luhansk?

Yanuk: You have admin resource on your side. I have no support but the ordinary people.

Yusch: You are pushing to splits in Ukraine. You know very well that there are wonderful, hardworking peole there. You have nothing to use but trying to divide the country. You are nothing but a manipulator. It is your work that airports will not let me land in the east. Your clans.People do not want to work for the 3 families, the 3 clans.I will not comment on your past. I look at the future of our country. How can the criminal and gov't be united in our country. What kind of country can that be.Ukraine is one. All citizens are one, whether they support me. I bow before the electorate whoever they may be.

question: as the head of the gov't you are reponsible for the falsifications that took place on the 21 Nov. Again - you stole 3 million votes. You know that a person's vote is their own property. No one has the right to tell them how to vote. it is a sin to steal votes as well.

Yanuk - don't you think that the gov't worked for the people. That when Yanuk was PM that people lived better. And when you started to search for victory for yourself you should be a man.

Yusch- you do not know how to listen and thus cannot change. This gov't which is yours is criminal. You talk about your successes, the economic growth which has occured , has occured for 3 or 4 families (clans) and not the people. That is your economic miracle.

What do you leave for the next gov't, there is debt. This is not to the way to care for Ukraine.

closing:

Yanuk: Each of us has our position, we know that the Ukrainian nation was asleep before. The people that came out on the Maidan and protested. And that one way or another there was unfairness. We worked as well as we could and you can judge for yourself. What direction will our country take. The new year will be met with our families. Please on the 26, keep the peace. I believe in Ukraine and our nation and will serve the Ukrainian nation with God's help. Thank you.

Yusch: In the election campaign, there have been many processes. On the 26th there is the election. After the 26th life will continue and we must make it new.

I was born in Eastern Ukraine close to the Russian border. I grew up with my father's morality. He was in the Soviet Army as I was. He was in Nazi concentration camps. He taught me to love Ukraine.

And when someone talks about splitting Ukraine, go look at the graves by my mother's house in Sumy, look at the graves of the boys who gave their lives for our homeland. No one must talk about spliting Ukraine.

When I'm President: No One will be closing any Russian lang schools. Crimea will remain. No one will close any orthodox church. Faith is a personal choice. No one cover Odesa in asphalt. Sevestopil will be honored.

I go for president for all those who work all who honorably.

Thank you

To Find the Elusive Yevshan Zil'ya, Search For the Scent of Oranges

2004-12-17T22:07:00.000-05:00

"Де ж того євшану взяти,
Того зілля-привороту,
Що на певний шлях
направить,-
Шлях у край свій повороту?!"
(М.Вороний)

Where is the yevshan found,
that herb of magic
that will guide us
to that determined path -
the one turned towards our native land?!
(M. Voronyi)

Thanks to Aussiegirl who realized that the people of Ukraine found and drank deeply of the mythical Yevshan Zil'ya. And so, regained their memories, regained themselves.

SAVING A "CURSED" UKRAINE

2004-12-17T21:07:00.000-05:00

English translation of an invited speech delivered by YURI ANDRUKHOVYCH, a leading contemporary Ukrainian writer to the European Parliament on Wednesday, December 15, 2004 in Strasbourg

I first and foremost venture to bring to your attention an entirely personal vision. The hero of one of my novels, Stanislav Perfetsky, when he delivers a lecture before a no less worthy audience than the one here, roughly says the following: "My task is not one of the easiest, and not without grounds I am abundantly fearful that I will be unable to manage to deal with it as one should. And the fact of the matter isn't that I don't have anything to say. It's quite the opposite- I have so much to say about everything, that the allotted time for listening to me today wouldn't even be enough, and not even would, I venture to assure you, the remaining days and nights allotted by Providence for the human race." But all the same, in following the hero of my novel, I will try at least to outline something for you.

The drama that is occurring today in Ukraine in no way fits into any of the political science models prepared beforehand for it. The situation is not a clash of Ukrainian-language Ukrainians against Russian-language ones; even more so not the opposition of the "pro-European" West of our country vs. a "pro-Russian" East; and not the settling of scores of certain financial groups or clans with others. To be fair, I should note that all these conflicts are partially present, they are, what they call, "in play," but it is not they that define the essential makeup of what is happening.

First and foremost, a universal historical drama is taking place. It is a clash between a society, which, in considerable and its additionally most active, most conscious, most enlightened part, wants democracy, prosperity, and a nation of laws, against a power that with all its strength is trying to save an authoritarian, neo-totalitarian form of government, so successfully and so cynically embodied in reality by all the successor Soviet Communist regimes in all of the post-Soviet territories (with the exception of the Baltic countries).

Thus the question can be posed as the following bottom line: is democracy possible at all? Thus if you try to distill this problem to its most profound essence: is it possible to break this vicious circle? Is it possible to save a "cursed land?" Is the embodiment of human expectations possible? Is the victory of good over evil possible?

Everything else--that, which is on the surface, but less essential--comprises the political machinations, the play on the linguistic, religious differences and the differences in mentality in Ukrainian society, the "hand of Moscow," the Russian geopolitical "Yanukovych" project, the essence of which in its alternative, openly formulated by the highest state officials of our large Northeastern neighbor is: "Either a split, or civil war." Despite the elegance of the formulation I believe in the fact that we will not give the authors of this project either the former or the latter satisfaction.
There is so much dysinformation (in less parliamentary talk we can call it lies), so many scare tactics, physical threats, moral torture, as well as other dioxins, so much has been dropped on Ukrainian society before and during this election campaign--this is an unprecedented dramatic experience, that is worthy of a separate Book of Memory tens of thousands of pages long, in which forever there will be fixed each citizen's actions, each gesture invisible to the world of countless "little Ukrainians," who, similar to the "little Hungarians" in 1956, the "little Czechs" of 1968, or the "little Poles" of 1980 rose up in defense of their own dignity. In 2004 a miracle occurred in Ukraine: its society, which over the course of an entire decade seemed to be feeble, passive and disunited, suddenly mustered up a collective, non-violent and wonderful feat. The "little" Ukrainians turned out to be considerably bigger than their--and not just their--authorities thought they were. They counterposed their creative poetics against banal geopolitics.

The orange poetics is a quite dynamic argument against the "zone of grayness," into which for over a decade Ukraine's incompetent and dislikable leaders have striven to drag Ukraine. For them it has been about a dreary country, deprived of its own face, invisible to the world. They "constructed" it as a figure, in conformity with their own gray faces and secret needs. In his aesthetic validations it is not for nothing that Mr. Kuchma admits that he doesn't like the color orange, for he spoke "non-Ukrainian." Orange became the color of the breakthrough of all imaginable blockades. The color of human ignition in people. Over the course of 16 days of active resistance on Independence Square in Kyiv it turned out to be the victory of the people over all the technical means at the disposal of the authorities.
This is also the victory of Europe as an ethical system of value. My Polish friend Andrzej Stasiuk writes about it in a marvelous essay as follows: "Great things are happening in the East. Ukraine has lifted itself up from its knees. In these last, cold and snowy days of November the heart of Europe is beating right there, in Kyiv, on the Square of--appropriately called--Independence. It is right there in Kyiv that the battle for basic European values is being honed, that in the West those values are understood as something, comprehensible in and of themselves, something granted once and for always." Andrzej Stasiuk entitled his essay "Europe, You Have Become Bigger."

Europe has become bigger by the sum of the Ukrainian regions where Victor Yushchenko won. After the 26th of December--and I really truly believe this--it will become bigger by all of Ukraine. Those Ukrainians who vote for Yushchenko are really voting for freedom, a country of laws and tolerance, without thinking in the least about the fact that these values are European--it is enough for them that these are their values and for the sake of them they are prepared to stand not only days and nights in the December cold or to walk with flowers in their hands up to the special forces units armed with loaded weapons. It is in these people that I see what one can underscore as the European future of Ukraine. And that future has already begun.

But since that meaningful word the "future" has resounded, what can we expect right now? To say it more simply: what can "we" expect from "you"? First and foremost, honored ladies and gentlemen, the distinct refutation of what for an entire decade the propaganda machine of Mr. Kuchma has been drilling into us: that no one is waiting for us in Europe. A refutation of what Mr. Yanukovych has built his entire campaign on: that in Europe no one likes us and scorns us, that we are alien to Europe. Honored ladies and gentlemen, I am convinced that Kuchma and Yanukovych have been telling us a lie. I--just a writer--have my own particular hopes. I want to distinctly hear from Europe that Kuchma, Yanukovych and their spinmasters are wrong, that Europe is waiting for us, that it can not endure without us, that Europe will not continue to be in all its fullness without Ukraine.

My fantasies, honored European parliamentarians, have no boundaries. I have a thousand projects for cultural partnership and a thousand friends throughout all of Europe, with whom we can realize these projects. We will make--I expect, with your help--countless steps toward mutual rapprochement, to denounce that "quarantine line" that divides one Europe from the other.

My Europe--that is the title of Andrzej Stasiuk's and my joint poetographic book. In conclusion allow me one more poetographic metaphor. It floats out right away when you look over geographic maps. The maps all demonstrate one and the same thing to us: in Ukraine there is not a single drop of water that does not belong to the Atlantic basin. This means that with all its arteries and capillaries it is stitched right to Europe.

--By Yuri Andrukhovych

Translated by Michael M. Naydan
Professor Germanic and Slavic
Languages and Literatures
The Pennsylvania State University

Poles Would Elect Yuschenko President

2004-12-14T23:07:00.000-05:00

In a report published by the Polish Press Agency (PAP) 54% of Poles would vote for Viktor Yuschenko for President, whereas Yanukovych would only garner 2% of the vote. 37% would not support either candidate.

60% are convinced that the participation of Polish politicians in mediating the crisis in Ukraine is a positive step in Polish Ukrainian relations and 55% believe that Polish meditation is a positive in the Ukainian-EU relationship.

Polish support for the Orange Revolution has been widespread. And President Kwasniewski's presence during the negotiations between the pro-democracy forces and the Ukrainian authorities was widely welcomed by the Yuschenko team as well as by the participants of the Orange Revolution. Lech Walesa's visit to the Maidan was enthusiastically cheered. Gazeta Wyborcza went orange in support of the hundreds of thousands braving the snow and freezing weather on Khreshchatyk.

It is also worth noting that Poland was the first country to recognize Ukraine after the breakup of the Soviet Union.

Poles have naturally been concerned about Russia's imperial past and neo-imperialism today. And many view a strong, democratic Ukraine as part of their defense against a potential Russian threat. “If Ukrainian democracy prevails, Russia has no choice but to go to the West and to be a democracy,” Brzezinski said at an American Enterprise Institute event. “If Ukrainian democracy fails, Russia and imperial ambitions are awakened.”

It's Official - Yuschenko Poisoned With Dioxin Say Doctors

2004-12-11T09:46:00.000-05:00

Once again, for the bigots and thug apologists who claim medical expertise: Yuschenko was poisoned. And the poison of choice was dioxim, a key component of Agent Orange.

Doctors: Yushchenko was poisoned
Saturday, December 11, 2004 Posted:
9:33 AM EST (1433 GMT)

VIENNA, Austria (AP) -- Ukrainian opposition leader and presidential candidate Viktor Yushchenko's mysterious illness was caused by dioxin poisoning, doctors said Saturday.

"There is no doubt about the fact that Mr. Yushchenko's disease has been caused by a case of poisoning by dioxin," said Dr. Michael Zimpfer, director of Vienna's private Rudolfinerhaus clinic. Tests run over the past 24 hours provided conclusive evidence of the poisoning, Zimpfer said.

Physicians began running new tests Friday evening, when Yushchenko was admitted for a third time to the clinic, Zimpfer said.

"We started last night to do the entire imaging, including nuclear medicine, to look at the function of the organs, skeletal system and to see what kind of damage might be hiding," he said. Doctors also investigated Yushchenko's blood to check for any signs of poisoning.

The illness has disfigured Yushchenko's face, leaving it swollen, ashen
and pockmarked.

The presidential candidate has accused Ukrainian authorities of trying to poison him ahead of last month's vote -- an allegation they have denied.

"I plan to live for a long time and I plan to live happily. I am getting better health every day," he said.

Yushchenko, 50, first fell ill in September and was rushed to the Vienna hospital. He resumed campaigning later in the month but with a pockmarked and badly disfigured face.

His chief of staff, Oleh Rybachuk, told PBS' "NewsHour with Jim Lehrer"
that Yushchenko has fully recovered from his unidentified ailment but "needs a certain rest and he needs to take care of this effect on his face, which they call residual."

"Internally there are no more damages," Rybachuk said.

Rybachuk also said Yushchenko was fortunate to receive earlier treatment in Vienna.

"He was very lucky that he was brought to Vienna because doctors said if he would stay another 24 hours in Ukraine, it could be a 'final solution,"' he said in comments broadcast Friday.

Yushchenko suffered from a series of symptoms, including back pain, acute pancreatitis and nerve paralysis on the left side of his face.

Kateryna Yuschenko on Good Morning America

2004-12-09T13:52:00.000-05:00

Friday, Dec. 10 Katya is scheduled to be interviewed by Diane Sawyer on Good Morning America, the ABC network breakfast program in the United States.

A little background on Katya:
She was born in the US, in Chicago to a Ukrainian American family. While growing up, she was active in her church and in the Ukrainian American Youth Association (CYM) . She has a MBA from the University of Chicago. Upon completing college, she worked for several years as director of the Ukrainian National Information Service (UNIS) the Washington office of the Ukrainian Congress Committee of America (UCCA). She was served in the human rights bureau at the State Department and later in the Office of Public Liaison at the White House. And then in the executive secretary's office in the Treasury Department.

Katya is very bright and was always very idealistic. Her commitment to Ukraine was unwavering. Initially she worked for Ukraine's independence in the UCCA, then worked to promote democratic and free market reforms in the newly independent state.

The interview should be quite interesting. If you're in the States, set your TIVOs or vcr's.

Yuschenko Poisoned - Confirmed

2004-12-07T20:33:00.000-05:00

Doctors at the Rudolfinerhaus clinic that treated Viktor Yuschenko confirm there was a plot to kill him, according to the Times of London.

MEDICAL experts have confirmed that Viktor Yushchenko, Ukraine’s opposition leader, was poisoned in an attempt on his life during election campaigning, the doctor who supervised his treatment at an Austrian clinic said yesterday.

Doctors at Vienna’s exclusive Rudolfinerhaus clinic are within days of identifying the substance that left Mr Yushchenko’s face disfigured with cysts and lesions, Nikolai Korpan told The Times in a telephone interview.

Specialists in Britain, the United States and France had helped to establish that it was a biological agent, a chemical agent or, most likely, a rare poison that struck him down in the run-up to the presidential election, he said. Doctors needed to examine Mr Yushchenko again at the clinic in Vienna to confirm their diagnosis but were in no doubt that the substance was administered deliberately, he said.

“This is no longer a question for discussion,” Dr Korpan said. “We are now sure that we can confirm which substance caused this illness. He received this substance from other people who had a specific aim.”

Asked if the aim had been to kill him, Dr Korpan said: “Yes, of course.”

So much for the anti-Yuschenko propaganda that the disfigurement was due to "bad sushi" a virus, stress or the brilliant observations of CodeBlue who does some fancy footwork to 'prove' that Yuschenko is an alcoholic.

Con Coughlin of the Telegraph met with Yuschenko on Saturday and posted this:

The man who was once described as the Bill Clinton of eastern Europe for his charisma and good looks is now horribly disfigured by an attempt to poison him during the political battle for control of his country.

As he sat in the office of his wood-panelled dacha in the suburbs of Kiev on Saturday, Mr Yushchenko vowed to expose all the details of the plot that has left his face scarred with pock marks and a complexion the colour of dark blue bruising.

Though the disfigurement is still shocking, especially to those of us who know Viktor (who is, BTW, a tea with honey from his own beehives sort of guy) the primary concern is not his face but his health. And fortunately, that is most definitely on the mend.

China Blocks Google News because of Ukraine?

2004-12-06T19:28:00.000-05:00

Shortly after the Orange Revolution began in Ukraine, the Chinese Government began blocking the English language Google news site. PolitInfo.com reports:

Press freedom advocates are condemning China's move to block access to the English-language news site of the popular Web search engine, Google. Google came under criticism from press freedom advocates months ago when it established its Chinese-language edition and agreed not to list news stories the Chinese government deemed unacceptable.
Advocates accused the U.S. company of self-censorship for the sake of maintaining a stake in China's Internet market, which some experts say is growing at a rate of about 50 percent a year.
While Google's Chinese-language news Web site did not list banned stories, Chinese Internet users often could view prohibited material by going through Google's English-language site. There they could at least glimpse the headlines of blocked stories. In recent days, that changed.

There has been some speculation that the Chinese do not wish their citizens to have access to information about recent events in Ukraine. Marlowe Hood of Agence France Presse comments the information blockade:

If the spectacle of Ukraine's unfolding drama scares Chinese leaders, it is not as an object lesson on "how to split up a country," as Fons Tuinstra suggests, but because of the echo with June 4, 1989. For anyone -- Chinese or non-Chinese -- who witnessed the before and after of that traumatic event (I did so as a reporter for the South China Morning Post), the sight of hundreds of thousands of people protesting peacefully against corruption in the streets of a capital city is, well, highly evocative. The parallel goes even deeper: Just as an ostensibly retired Deng Xiaoping ruled China and hand-pick its top leaders, so did Ukraine's Leonid D. Kuchma anoint Viktor F. Yanukovich as his successor. But what frightens the leadership in China more than the similarities is the contrast: Yanukovich (and, presumably Kuchma)have stepped back (at least for now) from what could have been a terrible and violent confrontation, opening the way to new elections and the possibility of peaceful reform. In China, Deng purged the Communist Party's top official (Zhao Ziyang) because he was inclined to negotiate with protesting citizens, and then he called in the tanks. Ukraine shows what many Chinese think: things could have turned out differently in Beijing.

Shame on Google for adapting to China's censorship. What is happening in Ukraine today is inspirational. It provides hope for others under totalitarianism's boot. Freedom is contagious as we saw again today in Minsk. At 15:30, in the center of town, on animated Nemiga street, Belorusian activists hung an 8 meter sign with the words: “Today Ukraine tomorrow Belarus!” Hundreds of pedestrians and drivers saw it. No doubt the Chinese don't want a similar sign in Tiananmen Square.

Sleazy Stunt By Yanukovych

2004-12-06T14:21:00.000-05:00

This evening on Ukrainian national television, Yanukovych announced that he must commit all of his energy to:

confirm his election victory. That is why I decided to go on leave in order to campaign.

The one thing that I ask of the President, the Speaker of the Parliament
and the Parliamentarians is that they allow this government to continue its work until the end of the election period...

What is particularly odious about his "leave" is that's it's an old Soviet trick, one used in the past by the likes of Zvahilsky. It's a trick because Ukrainian law provides that while an official is on leave or ill, he may not be fired. So Yanukovych effectively prevented his own firing, something which should happen because the Verkhovna Rada passed a the vote of no confidence in Yanukovych and his government.

In the rest of his speech, Yanukovych continued the nonsense he spewed during the debate with Yuschenko, that is that he (Yanukovych) is the representative of the new and Yuschenko is the representative of the old:

Today, everyone is convinced that the battle with the remains of the 'old' authorities, i.e. the so-called opposition, is impossible without battling their allies in the current government. After the second tour, the connection between the old and administrative resource became obvious.
What has happened in the last several weeks is an attempt to 'deal with' a politician who is too independent...

Perhaps Yanukovych's independence is reflected by his fawning over Putin. Or his dependence on Russian money. Or perhaps his relationship with Akhmetov.

Yanukovych Confesses! (Just Kidding)

2004-12-05T23:17:00.000-05:00

Time for a little multi-media...

One of the funniest things I've heard is "Yanukovych's Confession, " an MP3 mix with Yanukovych voice edits. In it, Yanukovych confesses to being a thief, murderer, you name it. And it ends with Yanukovych's voice giving a ringing endorsement to Yuschenko.

Another MP3 mix that's up there is "Mrs. Yanukovych's Speech" with bits taken from her infamous speech at a Donetsk rally for her husband on November 29. For those who aren't in the know, Lyudmila Yanukovych, the thug's wife, characterized the pro-democracy hundreds of thousands as, well, just read the Kyiv Post translation:

“It’s simply an orange orgy there,” said the not-quite first lady referring to pro-Yushchenko protests in Kyiv. “There’s rows and rows of felt boots – all of it American-made! See! And mountains of oranges! Oranges! And the background is ‘orange sea, orange sky...’ [a line from “Oranzhevaya Pesnya,” a popular song for kids - ed.] Gosh! It’s just... it’s a nightmare! And look here, guys: those oranges aren’t just any oranges – they’re loaded. People – take an orange, eat it – and take another one. See! And the hand keeps reaching, keeps reaching for it. I was on my way here; there was news. They said people in the square are getting poisoned, on a mass scale. Frequent hospitalizations. They bring people in with meningitis! What have we come to? And they keep standing, keep standing! Eyes simply glazed over! Just like that!”

And if you want to watch the video of her stumping for hubby, click HERE. (Thanks True Ukraine)

Of course, everyone's heard the great Orange Revolution theme song: Razom Nas Bahato. There's another tune worth catching: Song for Our Ukraine, Song for Yushchenko. It's from a band of Brits, The Ukes. Their description: Rally/Party song for Ukrainian Democracy & President Yushchenko. My description: Gets you dancing and chanting "Ukraiino" and "Yuschenko!" Give it a listen and give the boys a "hot" vote in the website's poll.

Call For International Election Observers For Ukrainian Run-off

2004-12-04T11:37:00.000-05:00

The Ukrainian Congress Committee of America, which has fielded international election observers to Ukraine since 1994, is calling upon the international community to volunteer as observers for the Dec. 26th run-off election.

They state that:

We do not want to provide you with inaccurate information or with false hope, since we cannot confirm with certainty that additional election monitors will be registered with the CEC or that previously issued accreditations will be valid. Nonetheless, with the understanding that many details are still unknown, those interested in serving as a member of UCCA’s Delegation of International Election Observers, please ... fill out the form as soon as possible. We will continue to post all updates in this regard on our website.

Information on their very good program is available here. The form to register is available here.

Ukraine will need as many objective observers as possible for the run-off. If you are in Ukraine already and are not a Ukrainian citizen (you do not need to be a US citizen to register with the UCCA) please volunteer. If you're not in Ukraine and wish to genuinely contribute to making this world a better place, join the effort. Help Ukrainians truly celebrate Christmas by supporting their cry for freedom.

Decision of Court - 2nd Tour Re-Vote - Dec 26

2004-12-03T13:00:00.000-05:00

The decision of the Supreme Court is not subject to appeal.

There are, however, rumors that Yanukovych will withdraw. If that is the case, and if he withdraws before the 16th, Yuschenko's opponent will be Moroz, because Moroz placed third in the first tour. However, since Moroz has firmly placed himself in Yuschenko's camp, it would seem unlikely that he will pick up the mantle to run against Yuschenko. Unless he does so only to encourage voters to support Yuschenko in the election. If Moroz withdraws, Yuschenko's opponent will be Petro Symonenko, the communist.

If Yanukovych withdraws after the 16th, then Yuschenko will be the only candidate on the ballot. The ballot will also include an option to vote "against" the candidate. Yuschenko must then garner 50% plus 1 vote.

Decision of the Supreme Court of Ukraine - CEC Decision Annulled

2004-12-03T09:03:00.000-05:00

5 Minutes to 18:00

Partial agreement with the Yuschenko petition
21 nov the CEC didn't check the legitimacy of the results
It didn't Examine the violations

The decision of the CEC is Illegal. The CEC decision is annulled.
The law was violated.

The violations of the election law show that the decision does not reflect the will of the people.

The CEC must announce a run-off in 3 weeks.
The president and VR must investigate all the violations.

Yuschenko on the Maidan

2004-12-02T13:42:00.000-05:00

On the fly translation, transcription of Yuschenko on the Maidan

The authrities have played the most dangerous card. The division of the
country.

Separatism was urged in the oblasts where there was total falsification of the election. The authorities try to make it look like the east wants to separate from Ukraine

We have found these cards 40 millions were made (Yuschenko shows a map of Ukraine which is divided into three) They began to divide Ukraine into 3 types, the first the sencd and third type of Ukrainiansbefore the election.
Crowd chants: Han'ba! Han'ba! Han'ba! (Shame! Shame!SHame!)

The authorities lose the elections and they put on a show and turns to the third sort of Ukrainian and tells them there is no room for you in this Ukraine. I was supported in 17 oblasts and they say that Yuschenko is a danger to eastern Ukraine.

The danger is from Kuchma and Yanukovych

There is a sign here on the Maidan. And I will sign it: Donbas We love You.

We are not divided. It doesn't matter if someone lives in a city in the east or west. I care whether they are unemployed.

Yuschenko starts speaking in Russian - They are lying that when I comeI will close Russian orthodox churches. Look here on the Maidan. There are people from all over Ukraine. And the Russian orthodox church is here too. We know that we live in 2004. We respect peoples choice. Where they worship, the synagogue or whatever church. The road to God is a personal choice.

Friends, we will not mix into church issues. We believe in harmony between people who go to different churches

They say that I'm against the Russian language. When I was small, I grew up 40 kilometers from Russia. There was a monument there that here was the border between the Russian and Polish empires 4 kilometers from where I grew up.

Tradition and history proves to us that we are a European nation. When Anna Yaroslavna married the French King, she signed her name. The French king signed an x. In Europe, people know many languages. Why shouldn't we.

My dear community, at the beginning of the 3rd millenium we should speak Ukrainian, Russian, German, French, English, Let Europe look at us and say that we are educated. She how many langues they speak. We should speak in the languages that people will understand us.

I never divided Ukraine into east and west. I speak in Ukrainian because it is easier for me. I turn to those who are ethnically, Russian Greek. I know Shevchenko, Skovoroda Franko, Lesia Ukrainian. But I also know Tolstoy. I am convinced that if Ukrainian were to disappear form the earth, the world would be poorer

The separatism that was thrown out by the authorities was really their white flag. That was their mistake.

Remember how many centuries, how much spilled blood to make Ukraine whole. We cannot allow this vlada to destroy this which is sacred - the territorial integrity of Ukraine.

We pay the price for our choice. My face is price I've paid. My family has paid for these politics by not being in their home, children not going to school

Crowd chants: Yuschenko! Yuschenko! Yuschenko!

Friends, our souls must be filled with faith. People who are on maidans throughout the country they are heroes.

When Kuchma says only a repeat of elections can be solving the situation.

Crowd: Kuchma Het' - Kuchma Away!

Every politician who speaks of new elections tries to destroy Ukraine. Look at what is happening economically. Only a conscious choice for a new second turn can save
Ukraine.

I promise you that we will not take part in any discussions about new elections.

Imagine that there is the championship of Europe. 2 teams are tied in the finals, the tournament doesn't start from the beginning. We won't allow 37 million Ukrainians to be fooled.

Tomorrow we will start something new.

Friends stay on the maidan. There must be a new date for 2nd tour.

Vlada, you cannot raise your hand against the people
Nas Bahato- i nas ne podolaty! There are many of us and we will not be defeated!

Crowd: Nas Bahato- i nas ne podolaty!

To military - weapons must always be for the truth. It can never be used against the people. WE know that parents of solders gave the right upbringing to their children

Solders be with the people.

In VR tomorrow you must be without emotions unless you get the word.

To businessmen, understand that we a fighting for freedom

Friends - mobilize.
Businessmen - the maidan needs your help.

I've been asked how is this being financed. I say that's its all donations. They ask how much are you being paid. I say there's not enough money to pay for all of this.

The Maidan just reflects sheer goodness.

In 20 years you will tell your children that you were here, defending Ukraine.

Because of you the world became better.

We raised the country to a new high.

Just a few hours, a few days to finish this.

I am proud to be Ukrainian today.

I am sure that now we are better, smarter than we were ten days ago, not just those who were here, but all of the 47 million of the nation.

Thank you

Crowd: Yuschenko! Yuschenko! Yuschenko!

Tarasiuk About the Europe Parliament's Support of the Orange Revolution in Ukraine

2004-12-02T11:32:00.000-05:00

On the fly translation of Tarasiuk speaking on the Maidan:

Tarasiuk explains that the EuroParliament was Orange yesterday, that deputies of the parliament were wearing orange ribbons and accepted a Resolution today which expresses its solidarity with the Ukrainian nation.

He reads from the Resolution:

The European Parliament Condemns the machinations during the second tour of the presidential elections
The EP condemns the decisions of the CEC and the resolution mentions Kivalov by name.
The CEC completely ignored the will of the nation of Ukraine.
The EP calls on the Ukrainian authorities to annul the second tour and have a revote of the second tour by the end of this year.
The EP warns authorities not to use force against the people and not to pressure the media.
The EP deems unacceptable any seperatism in Ukraine and recognizes Ukraine's borders as indivisible.
The EP deputies recognize the negative role of Russia and that Russia is largely responsible for much of what is happening in Ukraine today.
The European Parliament will always support the Ukrainian nation to have a democratic state.

Tarasiuk also said that when Kuchma was familiarized with this resolution, he was upset. And that means that what the European Parliament did was correct.

Today, Wednesday, at 9am - Everyone to the Maidan!

2004-11-30T23:29:00.000-05:00

Everyone who cares about the truth, about freedom must come out to the Maidan by 9am. Come sooner if possible. Maidan.org.ua received unconfirmed information that Yanukovych has called a "meeting" of the parliamentary "majority," aptly described by Yulya Tymoshenko as traitors to Ukraine, at 8:30 am. With a parliamentary quorum, regardless of their location, the traitors can do anything they want - including swearing in the thug Yanukovych as president of Ukraine.

That fear is not farfetched. Tuesday, at midnight, Kuchma's constitutional term of five years as President ended. Theoretically, Ukraine is without a president.

The call from Maidan.org.ua:

Сьогодні, у середу, о дев'ятій ранку - всі на Майдані!

Всі на Майдан!
Забудьте навчання - йдемо перемагати!
Забудьте роботу - ВСІ на перемогу!
Всі здорові і застужені, виспані і не дуже, Київ, область. Україна - всі на
Майдан Незалежності о 9 ранку

Брати і сестри! ВСІ, хто за правду.

Не штурмом і емоціями.

Сьогодні: не робота чи відпочинок,
не
хвороба чи здоров’я,
не голод чи ситість –
АЛЕ твоя свобода вибору.
Сьогодні - тотальна мобілізація заради ПРАВДИ

Putin's Greatest Fear

2004-11-27T17:33:00.000-05:00

Vladimir Putin is deathly afraid of the scent of oranges. That fresh scent is threatening to cleanse the stink of Moscow not only from Ukraine, but from the rest of the former USSR.

The actions of the several hundred thousand young Ukrainians on the Maidan give hope and courage to others who know the burden of authoritarianism. It's reached Belarus. Can Russia be far behind?

Residents of Minsk demonstrated solidarity with Victor Yushenko today. Orange color dominated in central avenue of Belarusian capital. Minskers were wearing orange cloths, hats, bands, carrying orange balloons. Orange bands ware tied on trees. Most of Belarusians follow struggle of Ukrainian people for freedom attentively...
...Orange color irritated only riot-police. After Zubr activists unrolled poster with words “YES, YUSCHENKO!” some of policemen tried to tear it and arrest “zubrs”. But attention of journalists did not allow to do it. Also they were searching people who were handing out orange bands, but none was arrested.

For more information and photos from the Orange Action in Minsk, please view the website of ZUBR the democratic movement of Belarus.

460 Ukrainian Diplomats Now Signed On

2004-11-27T13:35:00.000-05:00

Four Hundred Sixty (460) diplomats have now signed the open letter prepared by Ukrainain diplomats in Washington DC on Monday. It reads in part:

Guided by our conscience, our professional pride and our oath to loyally serve the Ukrainian state, we express our solidarity with the voice of the Ukrainian people. That voice is an expression of protest against the violation of our citizens' right to elect a president by democratic means.

The List of diplomats as of this morning (in Ukrainian - as per Koresspondent):

1. Авінова Ю.
2. Автономов Д.
3. Адомайтіс В.
4. Аждар Р.
5. Александров А.
6. Александрович О.
7. Алтухов Г.
8. Анацька О.
9. Андарак Р.
10. Апанович Т.
11. Арістова М.
12. Асман Я.
13. Баран Я.
14. Баранюк О.
15. Басенко О.
16. Бевза В.
17. Безкоровайний В.
18. Безушенко О.
19. Береза О.
20. Бернацький А.
21. Бешта А.
22. Бешта П.
23. Бібік І.
24. Біла К.
25. Біленький І.
26. Білецький Р.
27. Білогуб С.
28. Білоус В.
29. Бірюченко А.
30. Бобицький Н.
31. Боднар В.
32. Боєцький Т.
33. Боєчко В.
34. Божко О.
35. Божко О.
36. Божко О.
37. Божок Д.
38. Божок Е.
39. Бойкова І.
40. Бокотей М.
41. Бондаренко О.
42. Борисенко О.
43. Боровець І.
44. Боровик К.
45. Боровко В.
46. Борсук М.
47. Бранашко О.
48. Брисюк Я.
49. Бродович М.
50. Василенко С.
51. Васильєв Д.
52. Вдовенко В.
53. Вінійчук В.
54. Вітренко Ю.
55. Власенко О.
56. Вовчак В.
57. Войнаровський В.
58. Володимирова-Ліхоліт І.
59. Волочич М.
60. Волошин В.
61. Воронін О.
62. Врублевський П.
63. Гаврилюк Т
64. Гаврищук Т.
65. Гак Л.
66. Галака А.
67. Галібаренко Н.
68. Гальченко Г.
69. Гаман О.
70. Герасимчук А.
71. Герасько Л.
72. Гиренко П.
73. Головешко П.
74. Голоуліна О.
75. Гончаренко Д.
76. Гончарук Ю.
77. Горницька А.
78. Горопаха С.
79. Горьков О.
80. Горяйнов Р.
81. Гошовський З.
82. Гребенюк В.
83. Григораш В.
84. Гринчишин В.
85. Губрій А.
86. Гудима Б.
87. Гулей В.
88. Гулик К.
89. Гуриненко О.
90. Гуцалюк В.
91. Гуцол Л.
92. Дарибогова О.
93. Дарчук Л.
94. Даценко П.
95. Дем”янець В.
96. Демиденко Ю.
97. Демидюк С.
98. Денис О.
99. Дещиця А.
100. Джелмач О.
101. Джигун М.
102. Дзіворонюк Г.
103. Дзьома О.
104. Дзюба С.П.
105. Діденко А.
106. Дідух В.
107. Дір Л.
108. Добриніна Ж.
109. Довганич І.
110. Довганюк І.
111. Дорогань О.
112. Дорофєєв А.
113. Дорошенко Т.
114. Дорошенко Ю.
115. Драч С.
116. Дякун О.
117. Дяченко І.
118. Єгоров В.
119. Єжов С.
120. Житарюк Н.
121. Жулінський В.
122. Жуля К.
123. Журбенко Н.
124. Журенко І.
125. Журко Н.
126. Забрудський П.
127. Загуменова О.
128. Задорожнюк Н.
129. Заїка Н.
130. Зайцев О.
131. Закашанська Ю.
132. Запевалова Т.
133. Зарицький О.
134. Зарудна Н.
135. Захарова О.
136. Заяць А.
137. Зінкевич М.
138. Злобіна М.
139. Іваничук Н.
140. Іванова О.
141. Іванченко І.
142. Іванченко Р.
143. Івашко В.
144. Іжевська Т.
145. Ільницький О.
146. Ірхін О.
147. Ісаєв С.
148. Ісаєва О.
149. Іщенко Д.
150. Іщенко І.
151. Капустін О.
152. Карасевич О.
153. Карташов П.
154. Картиш А.
155. Кастран М.
156. Кизим І.
157. Кириченко О.
158. Кицун О.
159. Кір’яков П.
160. Кіцюк О.
161. Клименко Ю.
162. Клинченко О.
163. Кобець О.
164. Кобзєв Д.
165. Кобзистий О.
166. Козлов В.
167. Козловська О.
168. Колесник В.
169. Колісник С.
170. Коломієць С.
171. Коновалов В.
172. Кононученко М.
173. Конопко Д.
174. Корнєєнко Б.
175. Корома В.
176. Косенко Н.
177. Косий В.
178. Костюк В.

179. Котик В.
180. Кохан Д.
181. Кравець О.
182. Кравченко О.
183. Кравченко О.
184. Кравченко Р.
185. Кравчук М.
186. Крамаренко С.
187. Крамаренко Т.
188. Красільчук В.
189. Кривохижа А.
190. Круглик С.
191. Круковський А.
192. Круть В.О.
193. Кудрик К.
194. Кузнєцова Л.
195. Кузьменко А.
196. Кузьмич Т.
197. Купчишин О.
198. Куравський З.
199. Курмаз Л.
200. Куроленко І.
201. Кучеренко С.
202. Кучерявий Ю.

203. Кушнарьов Ю.
204. Кушнір І.
205. Ладний. Ю.
206. Лазарєв Ю.

207. Лазебник С.
208. Лазуто Ю.
209. Латій Г.
210. Левченко В.
211. Левченко О.
212. Лещенко В.
213. Лещенко С.
214. Лимар В.
215. Лисенко І.
216. Лисенко Ю.
217. Лихоступ. В.
218. Лісницька О.
219. Лобач В.
220. Лобко В.
221. Лозинська І.
222. Локшин В.
223. Лопатіна Н.
224. Лоссовський І.
225. Лубів М.
226. Лубківський Д.
227. Лубківський М.
228. Лузін В.
229. Лукошко В.
230. Лупак А.
231. Лутовинов Ю.
232. Ляхова Н.
233. М”язова І.
234. Мазниченко О.
235. Майорова Р.
236. Макаренко А.
237. Макєєв О.
238. Малик Я.
239. Мантюк М.
240. Марків В.
241. Марков О.
242. Мартиненко М.
243. Марущинець В.
244. Мархай С.
245. Масенко О.
246. Масло Н.
247. Матічук Н.
248. Матющенко Д.
249. Мацкевич Н.
250. Мащенко О.
251. Медовніков О.
252. Мирончик С.
253. Мисик О.
254. Михайлюк С.
255. Михальчук О.
256. Міняйло С.
257. Міщенко О.
258. Мовчан Б.
259. Могилевич О.
260. Москвітін О.
261. Мудренко Н.
262. Мялковський В.
263. Наджос А.
264. Надоленко Г.
265. Напов О.
266. Науменко К.
267. Непоп Л.
268. Нечепоренко Г.
269. Нечитайло О.
270. Никифорак Н.
271. Нікітюк Ю.
272. Ніколайчук С.
273. Німчинський Р.
274. Новицька О.
275. Новосьолов О.
276. Овчаров О.
277. Овчінніков О.
278. Огородник В.
279. Огризко Р.
280. Околіта М.
281. Олійник А.
282. Олійник З.
283. Олійник І.
284. Олійник О.
285. Омельченко В.
286. Омельченко Т.
287. Омелян В.
288. Осаволюк Л.
289. Осаволюк М.
290. Осадчий О.
291. Осауленко І.
292. Осипенко Р
293. Остапенко С.
294. Отінко Т.
295. Отрош М.
296. Отрош О.
297. Павлик Г.
298. Павлишин О.
299. Павліченко О.
300. Павловський А.
301. Пазенко С.
302. Палагнюк І.
303. Пархоменко Ю.
304. Пасинчук К.
305. Пасько І.
306. Пахіль В.
307. Пашенюк О.
308. Пашківська І.
309. Петриченко Н.
310. Петров О.
311. Петровська С.
312. Пиріг Р.
313. Писаревський О.
314. Пільчук С.
315. Піндюрина Ю.
316. Піонтковська Л.
317. Плачинда В.
318. Плодистий О
319. Побережний В.
320. Погрібний В.
321. Положій А.
322. Полозька Н.
323. Польова А.
324. Попель А.
325. Попик С.
326. Поремська Н.
327. Потапова І.
328. Пристайко В.
329. Приходько М.
330. Прокопчук І.
331. Пророк Г.
332. Пузирко В.
333. Радченко М.
334. Радько А.
335. Редько М.
336. Рендюк Т.
337. Ренкас Д.
338. Решетняк В.
339. Решетняк О.
340. Рибальченко Л.
341. Рибитва І.
342. Роговець Г.
343. Роман Л.
344. Романенко С.
345. Романюк Л.
346. Рось О.
347. Рубан Я.
348. Саблук В.
349. Савіна Н.
350. Сакаль Я.
351. Саликін Г.
352. Самосватов М.
353. Сардачук П.
354. Сатко В.
355. Сафронова О.
356. Свистков Д.
357. Свистун О.
358. Севрюков Ф.
359. Селін О.
360. Семененко О.
361. Семенець О.
362. Семенюк І.
363. Семенюк О.
364. Сенченко О.
365. Сергієнко М.
366. Сибіга І.
367. Сидоренко М.
368. Сидюк С.
369. Синенька Т.
370. Сирота О.
371. Сіренко О.
372. Сіщук Р.
373. Скибинецька Я.
374. Скляренко Д.
375. Скосарева І.
376. Слєнзак І.
377. Сліпченко О.
378. Сльозко Ю.
379. Собко В.
380. Соколовський Б.
381. Солодовник С.
382. Солотва В.
383. Солошенко Ю.
384. Сольська Т.
385. Сорочинський В.
386. Старак О.
387. Статкевич М.
388. Степанов О.
389. Степура Ю.
390. Суляєва В.
391. Сухомейло П.
392. Сухомлин В.
393. Сушко Т.
394. Тертична Г.
395. Тершовчин Р.
396. Тибінка Я.
397. Тимофеєва Н.
398. Тимофіїв О.
399. Тіркус Ю.
400. Ткаченко В.
401. Ткаченко Л.
402. Ткаченко Т.
403. Токар Ю.
404. Токаревський Г.
405. Токарський Ю.
406. Толкач В.
407. Толкачов Г.
408. Топоровська Н.
409. Точицький М.
410. Третяк Л.
411. Туриненко
412. Удовенко Г.
413. Федоришин В.
414. Федорова Л.
415. Федунків Т.
416. Філіпенко Є.
417. Філіпчук В.
418. Філіпчук О.
419. Фуртус Л.
420. Хабенко С.
421. Хала С.
422. Цепенда І.
423. Цимбал В.
424. Цок Н.
425. Чалаван В.
426. Чорний П.
427. Чуприненко Р.
428. Шальківський В.
429. Шарков О.
430. Шаром О.
431. Шведов М.
432. Шевкунова Л.
433. Шевченко С.
434. Шевченко А.
435. Шевченко В.
436. Шелест Н.
437. Шелєхова О.
438. Шендріков Є.
439. Шепелєва М.
440. Шкілевич В.
441. Шклярук І.
442. Шкуренко-Громаков Ю.
443. Шовкопляс О.
444. Шутенко С.
445. Щерба А.
446. Щербатюк М.
447. Юнгер М.
448. Юрченко О.
449. Юхимович О.
450. Ющенко О-М.
451. Яворський Ю.
452. Яковенко М.
453. Яковенко Р.
454. Ялова О.
455. Янковенко Н.
456. Яременко І.
457. Яременко О.
458. Яремко В.
459. Яснюк В.
460. Яценківський О.

Love Fest with Yulya Now

2004-11-27T13:20:00.000-05:00

As Yulya came out to the people, they have been calling for her to wish her a happy birthday, the crowd went wild.

Even on her birthday, she rallied the troops, thanking them for their efforts, their commitment. She assured them that victory is theirs.

On the fly translation and transcription:

We all can see the difference that you, dear demonstrators have mde. Earlier, when we entered the CEC, we were met with hostility. Now we see the difference in their eyes, we are met with warmth and that is due to you, dear demonstrators.

We will all go together to the Supreme Court on Monday. We will go not in anger. We'll go to the Supreme Court on Monday, not to demonstrate against the Court. We will go to show our support for the truth, for the honest jurists. And we'll have Yuschenko as the de jure President of Ukraine.

Yulya is being Cheered on the Maidan Now

2004-11-27T13:04:00.000-05:00

Today is Yulya's birthday and the crowd has been chanting her name. And they were just promised that she will be out to see them soon. Then they will be able to wish her a happy birthday personnally

The Work of the Committee for National Salvation

2004-11-27T11:22:00.000-05:00

The Commitee for National Salvation of Ukraine has been working for the second day. The offices are on the second floor of the Trade Union Building.

They have been coordinating the work of strikes and actions, preparing materials for the extraordinay session of the VR held today and the negotiations which began on Friday.

There is a volunteer corps of security form throughout Ukraine which maintains order in a firm but friendly fashion.

The center also resolves problems encountered by people bused in by Yanukovych's thugs. 5kanal aired a report about a fellow who was brought to Kyiv by the thugs to show "support" for Yanukovych and is now abandoned by his "benifactors" with no way to return home.

On the first floor of the Trade Union Building are the coordinating offices of the tent city. There, the demonstrators can charge up their cell phones, their cameras. And, if fact are encouraged to do so, so that using these means, spread the word about what is happening on the Maidan.

Ukrainian Parliament Votes No Confidence to CEC Results

2004-11-27T11:09:00.000-05:00

At an Extraordinary Session of the Ukrainian Verkhovna Rada, voted not to recognize the results announced by the CEC of the elections held on November 21 because they do not reflect the wishes of the people.

The Speaker of the Parliament, Lytvyn said that results of 1st tour was unacceptable but the Verkhovna Rada (Parliament) at the that time they, and he included himself, remained quiet. He said "If we took a principled position after the first tour, we would not have this situation."

The Communists said that they believed that because the first tour was also falsified, the vote should be to annul everything which occured.

Opposition deputies quickly pointed out that if they were to do that, the "criminal authorities" would continue in their illegitimate roles.

Ultimately 323 deputies, both the opposition and pro-vlada voted for this. For a motion to pass, it must have 226 votes.

Furthermore, the Verkhovna Rada requested that Kuchma, the current Ukrainian President submit to the parliament his recommendations concerning the resignation of the Central Election Commission (CEC) members by December 1, 2004.

5Kanal is reporting that members of Yanukovych's parliamentary fraction, Regions of Ukraine, are disheartened because their candidate was the wrong candidate to begin with.

Koresspondent is reporting that pro-Yanukovyh factions Regions lost another member, Ihor Chelombitko and SDPU(o) lost Anatoli Pysarenko.

Earlier, Regions lost Voldymyr Maystryshyn who left the fraction as a protest against the CEC's decision to announce Yanukovych the winner of the presidential race.

Knuckle Dragging Thugs

2004-11-26T13:31:00.000-05:00

There is information about the richest thug in Ukraine, Akhmetov, flying into Borispol, Kyiv's main airport, two days ago to meet withYanukovych. They met for about 2 minutes on the runway. Akhmetov told Yanukovych that "I spent 200 million on you, and look what's happening."

Akhmetov punched Yanukovych in the mouth, turned around, got on the plane and left. Yanukovych then turned to Kripa and punched him in turn in the mouth and knocked out two teeth.

The FT reported yesterday how the oligarchs have been shaken by the massive pro-democracy demonstrations.

Business leaders assumed the authorities would deliver the required result and deal effectively with any public backlash in favour of theopposition candidate, Viktor Yushchenko.

To read about the differences between the two opposing camps AP published an astute article describing the drunken louts of the Yanukovych camp and organized students of the Yuschenko camp. This is a mirror of the article.

Keep Informed: Valuable Links

2004-11-26T10:45:00.000-05:00

Live Webcasts in Ukrainian:

Audio Broadcast of 5KANAL Marathon : http://5tv.atspace.com/ - Click on one of the mirrors
Radio Lux Audio Marathon:http://www.radiolux.com/ In the menu bar select: zhevej efir/svit (Живий ефір - Світ)
Radio 'Era' (http://www.era-fm.net/)

Kudos to Blogs:

Tulip Girl
Periscope
Neeka's Backlog
Le Sabot Post Moderne
A Fistful of Euros
Volodymyr Campaign
Europhobia

News sites:
Maidan
Pora
Hotline
Kyiv Post

From the Students and Faculty of the Ukrainian Catholic University

2004-11-26T10:41:00.000-05:00

STATEMENT OF THANKS
to Those Outside of Ukraine
Who Have Supported Ukraine's Movement for Freedom and Democracy
http://www.ucu.edu.ua/tak/eng
26 November 2004

On behalf of Ukrainians now in vigil in the streets of Kyiv and other major Ukrainian cities; of Ukrainians supporting those in vigil with prayer, food, shelter, and other material aid; and of Ukrainians doing organizational work from their homes and workplaces; the students of Ukrainian Catholic University thank YOU, people outside of Ukraine, for supporting the movement for freedom and democracy in Ukraine in the twenty-first century.

Many of you have joined rallies and vigils in your home countries; many of you have written letters and signed petitions to your elected leaders; many of you have simply sent us words of support. Do not underestimate the value of what you have done on behalf of Ukraine's freedom. No matter what form your support has taken, whether big or (seemingly) small, your support in this time of peaceful but intense struggle, has been valuable beyond words.

Any struggle for democracy and freedom depends upon numbers, upon material resources, and upon organization. But it also depends upon something else: Morale. Morale is what makes it possible for well-meaning people to mobilize material resources and organizational abilities.

Morale is therefore priceless. And yet, while it is priceless, it can be boosted and sustained by even the smallest of gestures.

THE ACTIVITIES YOU HAVE UNDERTAKEN, YOUR WORDS OF SUPPORT, AND YOUR OFFERS OF MATERIAL AID HAVE BOOSTED AND SUSTAINED OUR MORALE: THE VERY
RESOURCE WE NEED TO CONTINUE IN OUR EFFORT.

WE WILL NOT FORGET IT!

******************************************
"Student Unity Movement"
Ukrainian Catholic University
vul. Ilariona Sventsitskoho, 17
Lviv, 79011, UKRAINE

Supreme Court of Ukraine Just Issued a Decision

2004-11-25T13:01:00.000-05:00

that the results announced by the Central Election Commitee cannot be considered final until they are reviewed by the court. The review will occur on Monday.

Websites Go "Orange"

2004-11-24T23:42:00.000-05:00

Though Ukraine, Oh My! has been writing in orange in support of the opposition in Ukraine, the website has now followed the very fine examples of Gazeta Wyborcza which has gone "orange" in solidarity with Ukraine:

Nasz portal jest dzi? pomara?czowy na znak solidarno?ci z Ukrain?

And the site of the Ukrainian Congress Committee of America which has also gone "orange":

The UCCA Website has gone "ORANGE" in support of the millions in Ukraine who are fighting for the future. For Freedom and Democracy. For Honor and Dignity. We encourage all webmasters to join the "ORANGE REVOLUTION"

The idealism of the children on Khreshtatyk should inspire webmasters all over the world to join the "Orange Revolution." Pass it on!

Coup preparations in Ukraine actively supported by Russian troops

2004-11-24T22:10:00.000-05:00

Authorities ready to oppress opposition protests
over disputed elections with foreign armed forces

From Our Ukraine

According to the latest reports, after 19-00 local time several planes with Russian special military units have landed in Boryspil International airport near Kyiv. The precise number of planes as well as the number of militants is unclear for now.

Earlier today Oleksandr Zinchenko, the head of Victor Yushchenko's election campaign, declared that Russian Special Forces "Vityaz", up to 1000 strong, have been deployed in Kyiv. They had been brought to Ukraine from Russia on the eve of 21 November elections and remain in Kyiv, it is alleged. "All members of the Russian Special Forces are dressed in Ukrainian uniforms and none of them have any identification documents" announced Zinchenko.

Zinchenko stated that "Vityaz" special-forces have three main tasks: "first – ensuring the disappearance of 10-15 key opposition leaders. Second – isolating via arrests several influential members of the Victor Yushchenko's team, who are not people's deputies of Ukraine and do not have immunity. Third – provoking violent confrontations and conflicts in the streets of the capital to create conditions for introducing an emergency situation". The presence of Russian military personnel is viewed as the last resort of Kuchma's personal security, because, according to sources, he is not confident in the loyalty of Ukraine 's Security Service personnel in case of actions of mass protest.

According to information from dwellers of Irpin city outside of Kyiv, a big unit of Russian Vityaz special forces are being deployed near Ukrainian capital. Local town residents witness that Russian special forces are known for their brutal operations in Chechnya and are being equipped with Ukrainian special police force uniforms as well as civil dress.

"Vityaz" special forces that landed at a military airport near the Ukrainian capital yesterday, are supposedly based in Bryansk (Russia). According to experts they also specialize on carrying out special operations abroad, but most widely known for their operations in Chechnya and defending the Moscow TV Tower in 1993. The ex-commander of Vityaz unit was awarded the "Hero of Russia" award for operation against Russia's Duma in 1993.

According to the Ukrainian Constitution, foreign armed forces can be located on the territory of Ukraine only if granted permission by Ukraine's Parliament.

Official sources deny Russian forces are deployed in Ukraine. According to the Member of Parliament Yuliya Tymoshenko, foreign armed forces are located in the courtyards of the presidential administration, currently surrounded by protesting citizens.

Yesterday, November 23rd, Ukrainian MP Yuliya Tymoshenko witnessed Russian special forces are backing Ukrainian police around presidential administration.

Today another Ukrainian MP and colonel of the Security Service of Ukraine (SSU) Georgiy Omelchenko demanded the Head of the SSU Ihor Smeshko uncover all information on the foreign troops illegally present in Ukraine. He also appealed to Smeshko to use all means and power necessary to remove concealed foreign troops even through use of Ukrainian Alfa special security units. Olexandr Zinchenko also demanded "that Russian Special Forces leave the country immediately. If that is not done, Ukraine and Russia will be involved in an international scandal with unpredictable international consequences."

Plan by Yuschenko Presented to the Demonstrators and More

2004-11-24T14:21:00.000-05:00

Yuschenko said that the authorities want to achieve a coup. He asked the people to be even more responsible and decisive.

Point by point presented by Yuschenko which was then filled out by Yulya Tymoshenko

Committee of NAtional Salvation formed to defend democracy in Ukraine.

The decision by the CEC puts Ukraine on the edge of civil conflict.
The people are forced to find justice on the streets.
Yuschenko took over Ukrainskyj Dim as headquarters .
Vlada choose the most primitive way to behave and threw out compromise.

Yuschenko called for an ALL Ukrainian national political strike to involve state institutions and schools, businesses

Blockages of all airports, roads and highways will be phased in.

But they remain open to a political settlement.

Do not want anyone to incite any violence. Lives must not be lost although everyone knows that people are willing to sacrifice for Ukraine. They request that people do not challenge the vlada were the vlada does its business

They will work to take power into their hands at the local level.

More bits of info...

Yulya read the names of those who betrayed Ukraine in CEC and voted to sign the protocals on behalf of the thug Yanukovych. She said that their names will go down in history as traitors. People chanted "Han'ba' (Shame!) after the list was read. She also read the names of those who were "curageous" and supported the people and voted against signing the protocal. And the people cheered "Molodets'!"

More cities come on board recognizing Yuschenko as President:
Kharkiv city voted to recognize President Yuschenko

These decisions at local level are an additional expression of their legitimacy

On the Maidan there are about 400 tents now.

Luhansk' shut down 5kanal

Kuchma said 5kanal inciting civil war.

5Kanal statement that they adhere to constitution and any attempt to close them down is illegal

80 high-ranking generals and officers call on military to support Yuschenko. They include airforce,interior ministry, army national guard officers

Officers and troops of Interior Ministry Troops of division D00090 recognize Yuschenko as president

Countries from the EU and the US declared that they do not recognize Yanukovych as Ukraine's president.

Yulya on the Maidan Now

2004-11-24T13:45:00.000-05:00

My quick transcription and translation of Yulya Tymoshenko's speech as she talks now on the Maidan:

Tomorrow we will go to the supreme court though we know that the court is not fair. we will try to convince them to be just. But we also know that trying to work legally with people don't recognize the law is truely impossible.

we must start first battles. we will battle to the end

last night when we passed the barriers into the Presidential Administration and we saw what is happening there. We got infornmation from the officers there. there are not only Ukrainians. there are soldiers of another country dressed in Ukrainian uniforms. But the foreign soldiers will shoot if there are more than 50 people coming in. The Ukrainians said they will not shot.

But last night we knew if we brought the people in there, we knew what will happen.

We must now plan concretely. we will block roads, railroads, airports and will not let them destroy or country

We do not want to lose a single Ukrainian life.

We will release our plans in the next two days and carry them out every hour. We
will take every village, every city, every oblast.

For more updates on Tymoshenko go to Ukraine - Oh My! Homepage.

Tymoshenko: Non-Ukrainians With Orders to Shoot Ukrainians

2004-11-23T22:25:00.000-05:00

Yulia Tymoshenko, after exiting the Presidential Administration, stated that in the courtyard and within the building are heavily armed troops. She further stated that they were clearly not citizens of Ukraine. Furthermore, she was told by the officers on the scene that they were under orders to shoot if more than fifty people cross into the building. This is further confirmation of eyewitness reports that Russian Special Forces are being brought into Ukraine.

According to Pravda.com.ua, guarding the Presidential Administration are first five rows, then two rows then ten more rows of Ukrainian Berkut (Special Forces) and they are are minumally armed. But immediately in front of the building itself is what is allegedly the presidential guard, dressed all in black and heavily armed. The General in charge of the operation, General Savchenko, stated that he has no control over those troops.

The consensus among Ukrainians is that Ukrainian troops will not shoot their own children and Ukrainian Omon troops have already been coming over to the Yuschenko camp. And since the thugs in power are Moscow's lackey's, Putin is doing all he can to insure that Ukraine is a colony of Russia's.

In an excellent editorial yesterday, the Washington Post called on President Bush to

...end his administration's passivity in the face of massive and malign Russian intervention in Ukraine. President Vladimir Putin, who has been consolidating an authoritarian regime in Moscow, now seeks to install a client government in Kiev; he channeled hundreds of millions of dollars into Mr. Yanukovych's campaign and personally traveled to Ukraine before each of the election's two rounds. Yesterday Mr. Putin brazenly issued a statement congratulating Mr. Yanukovych, even though Ukraine's election commission had not finished counting the vote or declared an official result. To its credit, the administration summoned the Russian ambassador in Washington to a meeting with a State Department official, Assistant Secretary A. Elizabeth Jones, who expressed concern about Mr. Putin's action. The next step is for Mr. Bush to clearly and publicly challenge the Russian president on his neo-imperialism -- and to design a U.S. policy to check it.

Russian interference in Ukraine must be condemned internationally and Putin must be made to feel the consequences his imperial ambitions

U.S. Urges Ukraine Not to Certify Votes

2004-11-23T15:34:00.000-05:00

Associated Press

CRAWFORD, Texas - The Bush administration urged the Ukrainian government on Tuesday not to certify results of the disputed presidential election, which gave a Kremlin-backed candidate a narrow lead over a Western-leaning opposition candidate with almost all votes counted.

"The United States is deeply concerned by extensive and credible indications of fraud committed in the Ukrainian presidential election," White House spokeswoman Claire Buchan told reporters at a briefing in Crawford, Texas, where President Bush is spending Thanksgiving.

The Oct. 31 election shows Viktor Yanukovych - backed by the outgoing government and Russia - beating Viktor Yushchenko, who is supported by the United States. The election has been widely dismissed by observers as flawed. The election is considered an important test of democracy in the former Soviet republic of 48 million.

"We strongly support efforts to review the conduct of the election and urge Ukrainian authorities not to certify results until investigations of organized fraud are resolved," Buchan said.

The United States also expressed hope that the situation can be resolved peacefully.

"The government bears a special responsibly not to use or incite violence and to allow free media to report accurately on the situation without intimidation or coercion," she said.

Thug recognizes Thug

2004-11-23T15:32:00.000-05:00

Lukashenka, the Byelorussian dictator recognized the illegitimate elections in Ukraine and greeted Yanukovych with his "victory"

Spetznatz decided to let demonstrators to PA

2004-11-23T15:13:00.000-05:00

The job of the Spetznatz was not to let the demonstrators to the Presidential Administration. But they decided let the democrats through.

OMON on Luteranska

2004-11-23T15:09:00.000-05:00

Special Forces are beginning to push back at the Hundreds of thousnd going to Bankova.

Militia is making football fans going to the stadium to see Dynamo-Roma remove anything orange.

Attacks to Begin?

2004-11-23T14:56:00.001-05:00

Militia with attack dogs are surrounding the demonstrators.

Attacks to Begin?

2004-11-23T14:56:00.000-05:00

Militia with attack dogs are surrounding the demonstrators.

Spetznatz surrounding Democrats?

2004-11-23T14:50:00.000-05:00

Correspondents in the center of the hundreds of thousands cannot confirm. 5Kanal reported earlier that witnesses have stated that Russian troops have been arriving in Ukraine and changing into Ukrainian uniforms.

Zinchenko and Tymoshenko are in Presidential Administration

2004-11-23T14:05:00.000-05:00

Militia that was not supposed to allow the democrats to the Bankova have allowed them to the building.

150 leading Ukrainian Diplomats Sign On to Support Yuschenko

2004-11-23T13:53:00.000-05:00

At 8pm Markian Lubkivsky, the official spokesman for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs announced that more than 150 leading diplomats signed on to support Yuschenko.

In English below:

An Open Declaration
By a Group from the Diplomatic Corps of Ukraine

We, Ukrainian diplomats, declare our resolute protest against what has become the transformation of the Presidential elections of 2004 into a disgraceful war against the people of Ukraine. Today when our families, our loved ones and our friends find themselves on Independence Square in Kyiv, we cannot remain silent.

Guided by our conscience, our professional pride and our oath to loyally serve the Ukrainian state, we express our solidarity with the voice of the Ukrainian people. That voice is an expression of protest against the violation of our citizens' right to elect a president by democratic means.

In spite of incessant threats, terror and massive fraud, the Ukrainian people have expressed their will. Their choice, however, has proven inconvenient for those representatives of the political elite in Ukraine who have for years ostensibly expressed Ukraine's European and democratic orientation. At this crucial moment, the actions of that same elite have proven that the expressions of European integration and democracy were merely empty slogans. The people of Ukraine, represented by a small portion freezing in Kyiv's Independence Square, deserve a different government than the one currently asserting itself.

We are convinced that our silence today, in the long-term, would continue to undermine and erode the authority of our state. This would effectively change the diplomatic corps into an instrument of service to a government whose legitimacy is already questioned by the world community. Once and for all, this would annul the international reputation of our country. Democratic nations of the world will turn away from Ukraine. We cannot quietly look away as Ukraine's future is buried along with the future of our children. We call upon all members of the Ukrainian diplomatic corps to raise its voice in defense of what we believe and hold dear: an independent, democratic and honorable Ukraine.

We, Ukrainian citizens, demand that the results of the elections reflect the true will of the people as the only source of power in Ukraine. We believe that other members of the diplomatic service will come to support this declaration.

Advisor to the Embassy of Ukraine to the United States O.V. Shcherba
Second Secretary of the Embassy of Ukraine to the United States U. B. Parkhomenko
Advisor to the Embassy of Ukraine to the United States O.V. Potiekhin
Advisor to the Embassy of Ukraine to the United States V. M. Chuma

(An unofficial translation prepared by Mykola Hryckowian, Vice President of the
Organization for the Defense of Four Freedoms for Ukraine and Marko Suprun, Executive
Director of the Ukrainian American Civil Liberties Association)

Revolution Now in Ukraine - We Need Support NOW!

2004-11-23T13:51:00.000-05:00

Events are spinning forward. The opposition met in the Parliament. Only 193 deputies were present. You need 226 to have a quorum.

Yuschenko was urged by his advisers (esp Yukhnovsky) to do this act in order to keep up the momentum and to forestall the thugs initiative: it is expected that the CEC will declare Yanukovych, the thug the winner, very soon.

During the Parliamenry session Moroz declares that Kuchma must understand that this may not be a Georgain scenario but may turn into the Romanian scenario, ie Kuchma's neck in on the line, literally. Moroz talked about Nicolae Ceausescu, the exection of Ceausescu the communist dictator of Romania.

Yuschenko goes out to the people on the Maidan. Swears allegience to them. They are forming a civil defense team for protection. Tomorrow, Yuschenko is forming his cabinet and beginning work in his "Presidential Office."

Rumors everywhere about Russian troops, Berkut, OMON in Ukraine. Information just received that on Artema St. there is Berkut in riot gear set to attack the democratic supporters.

National Committee for Radio and Television is meeting right now to close down the only free tv network in Ukraine, 5Kanal for "inciting" civil war.

Odessa Oblast called on Kuchma to declare a State of Emergency. Feeling in Yuschenko's camp is that this will be declared tonight.

French, American and Baltic banks have suspended all trading with Ukrainian banks.

We need the West to recognize Yuschenko NOW!!! Call your elected officials NOW! Your Senators, your DEputies, your Parliamentarians NOW!

Pray for Ukraine.

The chant

2004-11-23T13:42:00.000-05:00

"Nas bahato; za namy peremoha"
There are many of us; We will win!

Ukrainan Revolution Is On

2004-11-23T13:30:00.000-05:00

There is blizzard in Kyiv now. At this moment the 200,000 plus are creating a human corridor for Yuschenko to Bankova, the street of the Presidential Administration. There are no plans to storm the PA, just do the symbolizm.

The Americans called called some Ukrainian authorities to the embassy to ask what's going on.

We need the West Now!

Everyone in Support of Democracy - Diplomats TOO!

2004-11-22T14:16:00.000-05:00

From students laying their bodies in front of buses to prevent the transportation of illegal bands of "voters," to officers in the armed forces and militia of Ukraine pledging their support for the people, to oblasts (provinces) recognizing Yuschenko as the legitimate president of Ukraine, to demonstrations the authorities try to organize in support of the thug Yanukovych turning into rallies supporting Yuschenko and it goes on and on... Ukraine is claiming its future.

And now, diplomats from Ukraine's embassy in Washington DC have issued an open letter in which they state that they cannot remain silent. They are raising their voices in defense of an independent, democratic, honorable Ukraine and call on their collegues to do the same.

The full text in Ukrainian follows:

ВІДКРИТА ЗАЯВА
групи українських дипломатів

Ми, українські дипломати, висловлюємо рішучий протест проти ганебної війни із власним народом, на яку перетворилися президентські вибори 2004 року. Сьогодні, коли наші рідні, близькі, друзі знаходяться на Майдані Незалежності, ми не можемо мовчати.

Керуючись совістю, професійною честю та присягою вірно служити державі Україна, приєднуємося до голосу українського народу, в якому звучить протест проти порушення права громадян обирати президента демократичним шляхом.

Попри тиск, залякування і масовий обман, український народ виявив свою волю. Його вибір не влаштовує тих представників політичної еліти України, які роками говорили про її європейську і демократичну орієнтацію, але у вирішальний момент показали, що Європа і демократія для них порожні слова. Народ України, лише мала частина якого мерзне сьогодні на Майдані Незалежності в Києві, довів, що він заслуговує на іншу владу.

Ми переконані, що наше мовчання сьогодні матиме наслідком подальше падіння авторитету держави, а отже і перетворення дипломатичної служби на інструмент обслуговування влади,легітимність якої вже поставлена під питання світовою спільнотою. Це остаточно ерекреслить міжнародну репутацію нашої країни, відверне від неї демократичні нації світу. Ми не можемо мовчки дивитися, коли закопується в землю майбутнє України, майбутнє наших дітей.

Ми закликаємо український дипломатичний корпус підняти свій голос на захист того, у що ми всі віримо – незалежної, демократичної, чесної України. Ми, українські громадяни, вимагаємо, щоб результати виборів відображали дійсне волевиявлення народу як єдиного джерела влади в Україні.

Віримо, що інші працівники дипломатичної служби приєднаються до цієї заяви.

Радник Посольства України в США О.В.Щерба
Другий секретар Посольства України в США Ю.Б.Пархоменко
Радник Посольства України в США О.В.Потєхін
Радник Посольства України в США В.М.Чумак

Diaspora Recognizes Yuschenko President

2004-11-22T08:39:00.000-05:00

STATEMENT OF THE UKRAINIAN DIASPORA ON THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS IN UKRAINE

The Ukrainian World Congress and its member organizations in thirty countries, actively monitored the electoral process in Ukraine on November 21, 2004. Our conclusions are based upon the observations of some 250 international monitors, accredited by the Central Elections Commission from the UWC and our member organization the Ukrainian Congress Committee of America which included a delegation from the Ukrainian Canadian Congress.

Irrespective of the final result to be announced by the CEC, at this time it is clear, even assuming the current numbers of the CEC, that the tally for each candidate is similar. For this reason we feel that the violations which took place to benefit candidate Victor Yanukovich influenced the result submitted by the CEC. Should the CEC declare Victor Yanukovich president, he cannot be deemed to have been elected by the voters. Should the CEC declare Victor Yushchenko president, he will have overcome substantial obstacles and violations.

Among the violations we include such primitive ones as proxy voting, procurement of more than one ballot by some voters, attempts to stuff the ballot box by representatives of the local elections commissions or their friends, the so called carousel, flagrant bribing, etc. More significant were events such as suggesting a vote for candidate Yanukovich by the local elections commissions, remitting invites to vote with a pamphlet about candidate Yanukovich, personal advice on how to vote given by local election commission members, directors of establishments of employment and others in positions of influence. The most severe results were due to an egregious abuse by candidate Yanukovich of administrative state resources, not only from the government of Ukraine but also from non-democratic foreign governments, i.e. Russia and the not-recognized Transdniester. Additionally, we mention detainments and attempts to frighten Yushchenko’s monitors.

The Ukrainian Diaspora, whose activities are coordinated by the UWC, sends greetings to Victor Yuschenko as the winner of the election and offers him its support for the benefit of the Ukrainian people and an independent democratic Ukrainian state.

Kyiv, November 22, 2004

Askold S. Lozynskyj
President UWC

Victor Pedenko
Secretary General UWC

Michael Sawkiw
President UCCA

Ostap Skrypnyk

Executive Director UCC

Trains with 'absentee voters' are arriving in Kyiv

2004-11-19T23:50:00.000-05:00

The thugs are getting in position to commit massive fraud on Sunday during Ukraine's presidential elections.

Razom.org.ua:

According to people’s deputy V’yacheslav Kyrylenko, a train transporting
people only with absentee ballots arrived to the “Kyiv-Dniprovskiy” train
station at 10:40AM today.

“They were loaded onto the awaiting buses with militia escort,” reported the people’s deputy. It is not known from where the train had come but its arrival is a fact, assured the people’s deputy.

Maidan.org.ua:

19 листопада в Київ прибувають два поїзди з янучарським десантом.Один поїзд
прибуває о 10.28 на Київ-Дніпровський, а інший - о 10.37 на Київ-Петрівку. Далі
пасажирів обох поїздів будуть у супроводі міліції розвозитись автобусами для
розселення на околицях Києва. 20-22 листопада в Київ мають прибути ще 29 поїздів з янучарськими найманцями. 19-21 листопада 16 поїздів десантуються в західній Україні. 20 листопада на Київ під міліцейським супроводом посунуть колони автобусів з півдня та сходу.Сьогодні, 18.11.2004 р., о 7.00 на залізничну
станцію Київ-Московський вже прибув безіменний пасажирський поїзд з
короткостриженими пасажири. Їх зустрічали 40 автобусів і 3 міліцейські
автомобілі.

Ukraine in the Eyes of a Smug Condescending American

2004-11-18T23:03:00.000-05:00

Perhaps one of the most arrogant, ignorant ugly American alleged 'analysis' of the current situation in Ukraine is reported by Peter Lavelle for UPI - United Press International. Lavelle interviews Morgan Williams who represents something called the Ukrainian Federation of America. This 'federation,' however, is a non-organization in America. Evidently, Williams' claim to fame is that he resends articles about Ukraine, albeit in a timely fashion, which are issued on the internet.

Mr. Williams, who is in Ukraine as an observer for the presidential elections, is clearly himself not terribly observant. He condescendingly reminds Ukrainians that Ukraine is not Russia. He condescendingly reminds Ukrainians of the Holodomor. He condescendingly reminds Ukrainians that "Ukraine does not need a symbiotic or parasitical relationship with Russia." Furthermore he asks: "Wonderful, exciting opportunities are staring all Ukrainians right in the face. Why do not more Ukrainians see this clearly and passionately?"

Mr. Williams needs to asked: Where are you? Clearly you are not in Ukraine. Or if you are, you are huddled behind blinders of ignorance. Everything has gone orange! The Ukrainians, those who you so disparage, those who stopped the Mongol hordes, those who have survived incomprehensible torment, torture and genocide are once again battling to save Europe, to save human dignity. If you are in Ukraine, turn your gaze northwards. To Russia. That is what awaits if those splendid children, men and woman fail in their struggle.

You accuse the Ukrainians of failing to see what they can be. You, Mr. Williams, you are the one who fails to see who the Ukrainians truly are.

2004-11-18T19:34:00.000-05:00

On Thursday Nov. 18th, Yanukovuch is ambushed by journalists and asked about his time in prison. Clearly he's very unhappy about the question and responds that he's 'clean' with the law. As he runs off, his handler keeps repeating, "No press conference. No press conference..."

Interior Ministry Officers Expose Shocking Vote Rigging, Threats in Ukraine

2004-11-16T23:34:00.000-05:00

Askold Krushelnycky, the well-known intrepid journalist, reporting from Kharkiv, published an article in the Independent exposing major election fraud by Yanukovych's thugs.

Senior police officers say they have been ordered to help rig the result of the Ukrainian presidential election and to use violence, including bombings, to undermine the opposition...
...The police did not disguise their contempt for Mr Yanukovych, who has twice been imprisoned for assault. They claim he was charged with two other serious crimes but he avoided prosecution both times through bribery.

Krushelnytsky writes that five Interior Ministry officers, ranging in age from their twenties to fifties and with ranks of full Colonels and under Colonels, met with him under Le Carre type circumstances. They told him of 500,000 pre-marked ballots for Yanukovych, hidden and kept under guard by local militia, which were then later distributed to polling places.

And Pravda.com.ua reports that the director of Yuschenko's office, Oleh Rybachuk, informed the press on Tuesday, November 16, that the President's Administration and the Yanukovych campaign have allocated between $5 - 10,000 for each head of territorial election commissions to guarantee the votes, with a similar sum to be paid out for the successful completion of the fraud after election day.

Let's hope that there is some justice in the world. If there is, it looks like jail time is not something which is just in Yanukovych's past...

2004-11-15T13:32:00.000-05:00

TV shot of the debate

The debate is underway

2004-11-15T13:09:00.000-05:00

And shamelessly, Yanukovych is attempting to position himself as the representative of the "new" uncorrupt leadership while attacking Yuschenko as the representative of the oligarchic structures.

View Yuschenko - Yanukovych Television Debate

2004-11-15T11:00:00.000-05:00

Despite Yanukovych's reluctance to participate, the television debate between the people's candidate - Viktor Yuschenko and the authorities' candidate - Viktor Yanukovych will be broadcast tonight at 19:00 on UT1.

For those not in Ukraine it will be viewable via the internet at the Unian website:
http://press.unian.net/index.php?url=webТЕЛЕДЕБАТИ

It will also be available at http://www.utr.kiev.ua/index.eu.html

The Central Election Committee determined that the debate will not exceed 100 minutes and will cover four thematic blocks: the economy, foreign relations, internal politics and social issues.

The candidates opening statements will be limited to 3 minutes, while closing statements will not exceed 5 minutes.

Yuriy Melnyk from Ukrainian National Television will moderate the debate.

The Myth of the Split in Ukraine

2004-11-06T22:30:00.000-05:00

Oksana Zabushko wrote:

Knowing how easily (and, more than once, eagerly!) does Western press buy the "made-in-Russia" political myths on the current Ukrainian situation (on Ukraine being allegedly "split" into East and West, "pro-Russian" and "pro-Western", Russian-speaking and Ukrainian-speaking parts, each of them allegedly delegating its own candidate for the presidency), I just wanted to let you know how the things look and feel here in the reality.

Today Yulia Tymoshenko spoke to that reality at another 100,000 pro democracy rally:

It is impossible to divide Ukraine into east and west, because Viktor Yuschenko won 17 regions and not just western regions. There is no split. And this marks the end of their lying campaigning.

This evening, Roman Chaika, one of the founders of the deservedly very popular Ukrainian rock band Mertvey Pivan' and host of 5 Kopiok talk show on 5 Kanal said on his show:

"Somehow we now have a country which is split but it is split into those who breathe freely and those who crawl and carry out the orders of those who lord over them."

Despite all of the best efforts of Putin and the thugs in power, the gross election violations, the threats, the attempts to prevent voters from going to the polls, the outright fraud, more and more Ukrainians, all over the country, are breathing free. And that has not gone unnoticed, even in Moscow:

...You, Russian, voted as ordered. But he, the Ukrainian voted as a free man. That is why you today are in the monkey's cage, and he is free... I don't have a drop of Ukrainian blood... But I follow the news from Kyiv and try on their pride. Because the journalists of the government television stations went on strike in support of the opposition journalists and now in Ukraine there is freedom of speech. Because the authorities sent tanks onto the streets of Kyiv, and no one showed fear, not of the authorities, not of the tanks and now Ukraine has elections. That is why today Ukraine is teaching us, Russians not to be afraid of a little man in the Kremlin. If you are not afraid of him, you too will be respected.

No matter what happens next, the "Chestnut Revolution" has begun. Even if the battle on November 21 is lost, the revolution is on.

Russia's psychopathic Need For Empire

2004-10-30T22:15:00.000-04:00

In an hour or so, voting begins in one of the most important elections in recent memory. The Ukrainian nation wants to join the civilized world. But Russia's psychopathic need for empire cannot allow this to happen.

Hundreds of millions of dollars from Moscow into Yanukovych's election coffers, Putin's crying about the demise of the Russian Empire, oops, the Soviet Union, during his 'visit,' billboards in Moscow, Russian advisors running Yanukovych's campaign, paying for falsifications, are not enough, it seems, for Putin to be comfortable in his lapdog's victory. Now there are report after report from western Ukraine which inform that there has been a huge influx this last week of Russians, with Russian passports and suitcases filled with money, into towns and cities in western Ukraine. Hmmm, let's speculate why this could be.... And of course the rumors that there are Russian troops on the border with Ukraine.

Troops on the border, hell there are Russian troops in Ukraine already. There was, after all, that military parade this week which was a pretext for bringing in Russian troops. And Crimea is virtually crawling with them. Now all we need is a little provocation and just wait for the sparks to fly.

With his thugs physically in place, maybe now Putin is at ease. On Saturday he asked senior Russian lawmakers to begin talks with their Ukrainian counterparts on introducing dual citizenship between the countries:

It is time "to return once again to this issue," Putin told State Duma speaker Boris Gryzlov and Sergei Mironov, head of the upper house, the Federation Council, citing "that special character between our countries whose people for many hundreds of years lived in a united state, as well as ethnic, religious, cultural and language similarities."

The election hasn't even taken place and he's talking about "dual citizenship." Maybe he doesn't need to wait for the results because he's already guarenteed them.